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This paper examines potential differences in land use between Q'eqch Maya and Ladino (Spanish speakers of mixed ancestry) farmers in a remote agricultural frontier in northern Petn, Guatemala. The research site, the Sierra de Lacandn National Park (SLNP), is a core conservation zone of Guatemala's Maya Biosphere Reserve (MBR). In recent years, much...
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This paper employs cross-tabular analysis, and multivariate and logistic regression to explore demographic, political-economic,
socioeconomic, and ecological patterns of farm households and land use outcomes in an emergent agricultural frontier: the
Sierra de Lacandón National Park (SLNP)-a core conservation zone of the Maya Biosphere Reserve (MBR)...
Citations
... Similarly, in Honduras, Humphries (1998) [133] reported that, in the absence of formal titles, early arrivals to the Honduran agricultural frontier established claims to land directly through forest clearing. However, highlighting the importance of local contexts, in Guatemala's Maya Biosphere Reserve, title was an important step towards sustainable development in reserve buffer zones [134], while in areas of greater land availability within the Reserve core zone, title was used as leverage for obtaining credit, which invariably was used to purchase cattle, thus leading to forest conversion [43,135]. Yet in the Amazon, land governance is considered by some researchers as a precondition to decreasing forest clearing [114]. ...
... Similarly, sometimes intensive land uses learned in origin areas are maintained, as observed in parts of Brazil's Pará state [136]. In other instances, a culture of cattle ranching, as in Guatemala's Petén [135] and some regions of the Amazon [164,197], is exported to the frontier. No overarching theory will tell when this will, or will not, happen, yet any conceptual or empirical model must take into account cultural and social forces from origin and destination areas potentially affecting land use on the frontier. ...
Forest conversion for agriculture is the most expansive signature of human occupation on the Earth’s surface. This paper develops a conceptual model of factors underlying frontier agricultural expansion—the predominant driver of deforestation worldwide—from the perspective of small farm households—the majority of farmers globally. The framework consists of four causal rubrics: demographic, socioeconomic, political–economic, and ecological. Following this approach, the article explores the current state of knowledge on tropical deforestation in tropical agricultural frontiers with a focus on Latin America, the region of greatest deforestation worldwide during recent decades. Neo-Malthusian arguments notwithstanding, in many tropical nations, deforestation has proceeded unabated in recent years despite declining rural populations. However, evidence from the global-to-household scale suggests that population size and composition are also related to farm forest conversion. Existing particularist or behaviorialist theories sometimes fail to capture key geographical and temporal dimensions, yet studies support the notion that certain cultural, individual, and household characteristics are crucial determinants of forest clearing. Conversely, while institutional arguments sometimes fail to emphasize that the ultimate land use change agents are local resource users, their livelihood decisions are shaped and constrained by policies governing economic subsidies, and market and infrastructure development. Further, although ecological change is usually modeled as an outcome in the deforestation literature, increasingly acute climate change and natural farm endowments form a dynamic tabula rasa on which household land use decisions are enabled. To more fully comprehend frontier forest conversion and to enhance protection and conservation while promoting vital local livelihoods, future research may fruitfully investigate the interaction of demographic, social, political, economic, and ecological factors across spatial scales and academic disciplines.
... To date, household lifecycle-land/resource use links have been investigated across a broad spectrum of environmental and ethnocultural settings, most notably in Latin America. Studies have focused on new arrivals to the Brazilian and Ecuadorian frontiers (Picho´n, 1997;Murphy, 2001;Brondı´zio et al., 2002;McCracken et al., 2002;Vosti et al., 2002), indigenous colonists migrating from landconstrained environments to lowland frontiers (Weil, 1989;Bedoya Garland, 1995;Carr, 2004), long-established riberen˜o communities in Peru (Takasaki et al., 2001;Coomes et al., 2001Coomes et al., , 2004, and long-settled indigenous smallholders in Bolivia and Honduras (Godoy et al., 1997b;Godoy, 2001;McSweeney, 2004). ...
... There has been some other work exploring the value differences between ethnic and cultural groups, including between the Maya and Ladinos of Guatemala. In the Petén region of Guatemala, land-use practices between Q'eqchi Maya and Ladinos may be similar, as Lopez-Carr (2004) found that location, not ethnicity, was the driving factor. His identification of locational aspects (e.g., lack of market access and rural underdevelopment) fits well with our identification of negative situational capabilities, but he claims that the same intervention approaches (e.g., limiting access to forestland and promoting alternative livelihoods) can be used across both cultures to effectively reduce forest cover change. ...
... The bond between humans and the environment appears to be severed when Q'eqchi move to another region. Lopez-Carr (2004) may account for the significant relationships observed between the combined factor 1, forest cover change and location in our study, indicating that 'place' can be important, but in our case study ethnicity was of greater importance. ...
Understanding drivers of deforestation is essential for developing any successful intervention to reduce forest degradation or loss, yet there remains relatively little consensus or clarity on how drivers should be identified and classified. To capture the full range of values and mediating factors that may contribute to land-use behaviours, an approach derived from a shared values perspective that includes a range of values associated with whole landscapes and ecosystems is required. We developed a model that combines behavioural theory with the Capability Approach as a conceptual framework through which to investigate the value–action gap. We used exploratory factor analysis (EFA) of Likert-scale responses to belief statements in order to identify land users’ shared values in the Sarstún Motagua region of Guatemala. We then qualify and quantify the role of capabilities in mediating between the shared values of different cultural groups of land users (Q’eqchi Maya and Ladinos) by comparing their factor scores with their self-reported forest cover change behaviours. Our results indicate that Maya and Ladinos share a set of values, but hold different value orientations that predict their behavioural intentions. We find that their different value orientations reflect behavioural intentions, but an understanding of the capabilities available to different groups is also necessary to fill the value–action gap. These findings have implications for behavioural theory, providing empirical links between shared values, capabilities and behaviour and identification of the role of value orientations, as well as demonstrating a useful approach for decision-makers seeking to understand drivers of change at landscape and whole-ecosystem levels.
... Agriculture is a main cause of deforestation. Population growth causes migrations into forested areas, converting them into agricultural land (Loening and Markussen 2003;Carr 2004Carr , 2005Carr , 2008aCarr et al. 2006). According to a land use mapping in 2003, a total of 29,979.6 km 2 (27.5% of Guatemala) were used for agriculture (Ministerio de Agricultura, Ganadería y Alimentación 2006). ...
https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-319-57108-9_13
This compilation of recent data on the distribution, ecology, and conservation status of owls (Strigiformes) in Guatemala is based on an extensive literature review and numerous unpublished observations. Twenty species of owls have been recorded in Guatemala, of which 18 are resident. Breeding has been reported for 17 species, and it is assumed for one species. Two species are considered rare or accidental nonbreeding visitors to Guatemala during the northern winter. Guatemala’s region with the highest species richness in owls is the highlands, where 17 species have been recorded. Twelve species have been recorded in the Pacific slope lowlands and 13 species in the Atlantic slope lowlands. We analyzed the data in the presence and relative abundance of owls from 105 sites from 1989 to 2016. According to the weighted mean value of the relative abundance index across three ornithogeographic regions, the most common owls in the country are (abundance ranking in descending order): Mexican wood owl (Strix squamulata), Ridgway’s pygmy owl (Glaucidium ridgwayi), Guatemalan screech owl (Megascops guatemalae), black-and-white owl (Strix nigrolineata), American barn owl (Tyto furcata), Central American pygmy owl (Glaucidium griseiceps), Guatemalan pygmy owl (Glaucidium cobanense), great horned owl (Bubo virginianus), fulvous owl (Strix fulvescens), unspotted saw-whet owl (Aegolius ridgwayi), whiskered screech owl (Megascops trichopsis), crested owl (Lophostrix cristata), and Pacific screech owl (Megascops cooperi). Guatemala has an adequate legal framework to protect owl species (32% of the country is legally protected), but the conservation is not efficient, causing threats to owl populations. Of 18 resident owl species, 12 are forest specialists. In a vulnerability assessment applying IUCN Red List criteria on a national level, one species has been evaluated as Critically Endangered (CR), one as Endangered (EN), nine as Vulnerable (VU), five as Near Threatened (NT), two as Least Concern (LC), and two as not applicable. Habitat alterations through agriculture, mining, and oil drilling are the main threats. Of the remaining forests, 14% (5500 km²) were lost from 2000 to 2010, and the pressure on natural habitat will further increase. In addition, owls in Guatemala are threatened by direct persecution because of popular superstitions. The network of 21 Important Bird Areas (IBA) in Guatemala includes populations of all owl species. Three species have been recorded in at least 10 IBAs, 12 species in 5–9 IBAs, 4 in 2–4 IBAs, and 1 species in only one IBA. We consider the increase of the education level among the Guatemalan society the main key to protect habitats within the IBAs. A higher level of education would help to slow down population growth, increase environmental awareness, and consequently diminish pressure on natural areas.
... cosas, convirtiéndolas en áreas agrícola (Loening y Markussen 2003, Carr 2004, Carr et al. 2006, Carr 2008a (Wigley et al. 1997, Karl y Trenberth 2003. El aumento de la temperatura superficial de los océanos puede causar aumento de tormentas tropicales (Trenberth 2005, Inter- 14. Distribución de bosques remanentes (sombra gris) en Guatemala con base en un mapeo del Ministerio de Agricultura, Ganadería y Alimentación (2006), y áreas de explotación y exploración minera (sombra de líneas horizontales) y petrolera (sombra de líneas verticales), según el Ministerio de Energía y Minas (2011 a, b). ...
Please note that an updated chapter was published in: Eisermann, K. & C. Avendaño (2017) The owls of Guatemala. 447-515 in P. L. Enríquez (ed.) Neotropical owls: diversity and conservation. Springer, Cham, Switzerland.
This is a compilation of recent data on the distribution, ecology, and conservation status of owls (Strigiformes) in Guatemala, based on an extensive literature review and numerous unpublished observations. According to modern taxonomy (König et al. 2008), a total of 20 species of owls has been recorded in Guatemala; one species of the genus Tyto, Psiloscops (1 species), Megascops (4), Bubo (1), Pulsatrix (1), Strix (3), Lophostrix (1), Glaucidium (3), Aegolius (1), Athene (1), and Asio (3). Of the 20 species, 17 are resident in Guatemala. Nesting has been reported for 15 species, and it is assumed for two species. Three species are rare or accidental non-breeding visitors to Guatemala during the northern winter. The highlands are Guatemala’s region with the highest species richness in owls, where 17 species have been recorded. In the Pacific and Atlantic slope lowlands 12 species have been recorded in each. Data on the presence and relative abundance of owls from 1989 to 2012 (and some from 2013) were analyzed from 102 sites. New site records were established for rarely reported species such as Bearded Screech-Owl (Megascops barbarus), Stygian Owl (Asio stygius), and Unspotted Saw-whet Owl (Aegolius ridgwayi). According to the mean of an abundance index value from 102 sites, the most abundant species in Guatemala are (in descendent order of abundance): Mexican Wood Owl (Strix squamulata), Ridgway’s Pygmy-Owl (Glaucidium ridgwayi), Guatemalan Screech-Owl (Megascops guatemalae), Guatemalan Pygmy-Owl (Glaucidium cobanense), Black-and-white Owl (Strix nigrolineata), and Great Horned Owl (Bubo virginianus). The most abundant species in the highlands were: Mexican Wood Owl, Guatemalan Pygmy-Owl, Fulvous Owl (Strix fulvescens), Great Horned Owl, Ridgway’s PygmyOwl, Unspotted Saw-whet Owl, and Whiskered Screech-Owl (Megascops trichopsis). In the Atlantic slope lowlands, the species with the highest abundance index were Mexican Wood Owl, Guatemalan Screech-Owl, Ridgway’s Pygmy-Owl, Black-and-white Owl, and Central American Pygmy-Owl. In the Pacific slope lowlands the most abundant species were Mexican Wood Owl, Ridgway’s Pygmy-Owl, and Pacific Screech-Owl (Megascops cooperi). Guatemala has an adequate legal framework to protect owl species (32% of the country is legally protected), but conservation is not efficient, causing serious threats to owl populations. Of 17 owl species regularly occurring in Guatemala, 11 are forest specialists and six are habitat generalists. In a vulnerability assessment applying IUCN Red List criteria on a national level, one species has been evaluated as Endangered (EN), 10 as Vulnerable (VU), four as Near Threatened (NT), two as Least Concern (LC), and three species were not evaluated for being vagrants. Habitat alteration through agriculture, mining, and oil drilling has been identified as main threat. Of the remaining forests, 14% (5 500 km2) were lost from 2000 to 2010, and the pressure on natural habitat will further increase. About 36 785 km2 (34% of Guatemala) are used or planned for exploration and exploitation by the mining and oil drilling industry. This area includes about 6 960 km2 or 20% of the country’s remaining forests. In addition, owls in Guatemala are threatened by direct persecution because of the common belief that these birds attract death and destruction. The network of 21 Important Bird Areas (IBA) in Guatemala includes populations of all owl species. Two species have been recorded in more than 10 IBAs, 12 species in 5-9 IBAs, five in 2-4 IBAs, and one species in only one IBA. We consider the increase of the education level among the Guatemalan society as a main goal in order to protect habitat within the IBAs, and thus owl populations. A higher level of education would help to slow down population growth, increase environmental awareness, and consequently diminish pressure on natural areas.
... In accordance with this view, recent studies on Q'eqchi' migrants in the lowlands ends up painting a picture of Q'eqchi' Maya as having a great impact on environmental degradation through deforestation caused by corn farming and clearing large plots of land (cf. Atran 1993;Atran et al. 2002;Castellon 1996;Carr 2004). The greatest threat to the tropical forests in Chisec is, according to Kirschner, Pielemeyer and Tzi (2003), escaped fires due to careless and uncontrolled milpa preparation. ...
... Indeed, the elders are quite aware of the negative consequences of an insensitive practice of swidden cultivation resulting in fires negatively affecting the environment. In relation to this negative trend Macz and Grünberg (1999; see also Carr 2004) suggest that destructive land use in the adjacent Petén lowlands, as practiced by Q'eqchi' colonists, may be inspired by their ladino neighbors who do not respect the rules of good sustainable land use. In contrast, as they claim, new settlements in the lowlands directed by the elders in the community seek to reestablish the relationship with the new local tzuultaq'as inhabiting the region resulting in a more environmentally sensitive and responsible use of land. ...
... Mayan farmers practice the milpa system of agriculture, the small scale slash-and-burn system of alternating cultivation and fallow based on indigenous knowledge of forest regeneration dynamics (Emch, 2003). The Mestizo (Indian/Spanish) population also practices the milpa system but allocates more land to pasture for cattle ranching (Carr, 2004). ...
Agricultural areas where people grow crops to feed themselves and their families are often physically enclosed by a fence or represented by a forest edge (Figure 1). The purpose of these physical boundaries is obvious to people but not necessarily recognised by the wild animals they are designed to obstruct (Waters, 2014). Wild animals that cross these boundaries to feed on agricultural crops are commonly referred to by researchers as crop- raiders. A major grievance of subsistence farmers is the damage that crop-raiders do or farmers believe they might do to their crops and thus their livelihoods. Political, social and/or cultural factors as well as livelihood constraints will influence a farmer’s reaction to wildlife crop-raiders (Hill, 1997; Riley, 2007; Waters, 2014).
... Population growth in subsistence agricultural communities poses an existential risk to local tropical forests (Grau & Aide 2008) and threatens both ecosystem services and food security (Cavelier et al. 1999;Carr 2004;Pope et al. in press). Addressing deforestation at the community level requires documentation of deforestation rates, understanding of contributing factors, and an appreciation of its implications for subsistence communities. ...
... Investigations of deforestation dynamics in Guatemala reveal a complex interplay between factors at the proximate and underlying levels. In El Petén, the northernmost department of Guatemala, underlying drivers include land tenure institutions, in-migration and sociopolitical factors (Clark 2000;Katz 2000;Carr 2004). Institutional and structural issues relating to land tenure and tenure security have exacerbated deforestation through agricultural colonization (Carr 2004;Gould 2006). ...
... In El Petén, the northernmost department of Guatemala, underlying drivers include land tenure institutions, in-migration and sociopolitical factors (Clark 2000;Katz 2000;Carr 2004). Institutional and structural issues relating to land tenure and tenure security have exacerbated deforestation through agricultural colonization (Carr 2004;Gould 2006). Although extensive research has identified the contributing factors of deforestation of tropical forest in general (Geist & Lambin 2002;Kinnaird et al. 2003;Damnyag et al. 2013), the proximate causes and underlying drivers of deforestation of cloud forest in the Central Highlands are not well-documented (Katz 2000;Renner et al. 2006). ...
Soil erosion threatens long-term soil fertility and food production in Q’eqchi’ communities native to the Sierra Yalijux and Sierra Sacranix mountain ranges in the central highlands of Guatemala. Environmental factors such as steep topography, erodible soils, and intense precipitation events, combined with land subdivision and reduced fallow periods as a consequence of population growth, contribute to severe erosion and strain soil resources. The preservation of the region's cloud forests hinges on enhancing production of staple crops through agricultural intensification while maintaining soil fertility through implementation of soil conservation measures. © 2016
... Population growth in subsistence agricultural communities poses an existential risk to local tropical forests (Grau & Aide 2008) and threatens both ecosystem services and food security (Cavelier et al. 1999;Carr 2004;Pope et al. in press). Addressing deforestation at the community level requires documentation of deforestation rates, understanding of contributing factors, and an appreciation of its implications for subsistence communities. ...
... Investigations of deforestation dynamics in Guatemala reveal a complex interplay between factors at the proximate and underlying levels. In El Petén, the northernmost department of Guatemala, underlying drivers include land tenure institutions, in-migration and sociopolitical factors (Clark 2000;Katz 2000;Carr 2004). Institutional and structural issues relating to land tenure and tenure security have exacerbated deforestation through agricultural colonization (Carr 2004;Gould 2006). ...
... In El Petén, the northernmost department of Guatemala, underlying drivers include land tenure institutions, in-migration and sociopolitical factors (Clark 2000;Katz 2000;Carr 2004). Institutional and structural issues relating to land tenure and tenure security have exacerbated deforestation through agricultural colonization (Carr 2004;Gould 2006). Although extensive research has identified the contributing factors of deforestation of tropical forest in general (Geist & Lambin 2002;Kinnaird et al. 2003;Damnyag et al. 2013), the proximate causes and underlying drivers of deforestation of cloud forest in the Central Highlands are not well-documented (Katz 2000;Renner et al. 2006). ...
Cloud forest in the Central Highlands of Guatemala provides important ecosystem services for the Q’eqchi’ Maya but has been disappearing at an increasing rate in recent decades. This research documents changes in cloud forest cover, explores some contributing factors to deforestation, and considers forest preservation and food security implications for Q’eqchi’ communities. We used a transdisciplinary framework that synthesized remote sensing/GIS analysis of land cover change, focus group dialogs, and surveys. Expansion of subsistence agriculture is a key proximate cause of cloud forest removal, followed by extraction of fuelwood and larger-scale logging operations. Predisposing environmental factors such as rugged topography, steep slopes, and poor soils contribute to low agricultural productivity that contributes to increased conversion of forest to agricultural land. The key underlying driving forces for deforestation locally are population growth and subdivision of land. Population growth is increasing the demand for agricultural land and, as a result, the Q’eqchi’ clear the forest to meet the need for increased food production. Furthermore, population growth is driving subdivision of land, decreasing fallow periods, and putting additional strain on poor soils, all of which exacerbate land degradation. Given the increase in population in the region, food production must be improved on existing agricultural land to avoid the need to put more land into production to meet food requirements. Thus, efforts to sustainably increase agricultural productivity are
fundamental to efforts to conserve the cloud forest and to safeguard essential ecosystem services.
... Mayan farmers practice the milpa system of agriculture, the small scale slash-and-burn system of alternating cultivation and fallow based on indigenous knowledge of forest regeneration dynamics (Emch, 2003). The Mestizo (Indian/Spanish) population also practices the milpa system but allocates more land to pasture for cattle ranching (Carr, 2004). ...
The presence of Baird’s tapir Tapirus bairdii in the Sierra Madre de Oaxaca in Southern Mexico has been previously reported by Lira et al. (2006), using track records and information obtained through interviews. Seven years later, its presence was confirmed with pictures (Lavariega et al., 2013), bone remains, and tracks (Peña et al., in press). Subsequently, after three surveys with camera traps in the Sierra de Villa Alta (17°29’23”N 96°7’45.6”W; 1499 masl), additional pictures of adult animals have been obtained (personal observation, Mario C. Lavariega; Figure 1).
