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6 Population Composition in Taiwan in 1926 ===============================================================================
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Thesis (Ph.D.), Dept. of Language and Linguistics -- University of Essex, 2005.
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... Many subsequent studies on TM (e.g. Cheng 1985;Teng 2002;Tseng 2003;Kuo 2005) continue along this line and look more closely into the formation of this Mandarin variety as well as its divergence from Beijing Mandarin. These studies suggest that the deviation of TM from MSM was motivated both by substrate influence from local Taiwanese languages and dialects, and by normal linguistic divergence due to a long period of social separation as Taiwanese developed their own cultural and social identity over time. ...
... Some of the most studied features of TM are, for example, (i) the retroflex sounds in MSM are realized as alveolar-palatal affricates or fricatives in TM (e.g. /tù/→/ts/, /tù h /→/ts h /, and /ù/→/s/) (Kuo 2005), (ii) in (1), the structure of [gei+obj+complement] illustrates an innovative function and grammaticalization of gei in PTH, which is not observed in PTH, and (iii) example (2) shows that the morpheme you has developed the function of an aspect marker in TM (Tseng 2003;Ling 1991;Kubler 1981). ...
... Certain linguistic features have been recognized as accounting for the perceived distinctions between TM and PTH. Linguistically, TM has inherited many historical southern features, such as the shift of alveolar nasals to velar nasals, as well as the replacement of retroflex initials with dental initials (Kuo 2005). 4 The latter raises the acoustic frequency of these initials, lending an iconic association to TM with being petit and cute. ...
This chapter begins with a sociolinguistic overview of Taiwanese Mandarin including some of its features, one of them being the postverbal placement of the gěi-phrase. Using this feature as an example, the second half of the chapter examines the potential social factors that influence the choice of pre- and postverbal variants. With both production and perception data, the study suggests that substrate influence from speakers’ home vernaculars plays a crucial role in deciding the placement of the gěi-phrase. The results, however, merit more research to unpack the complex role of social factors in regional variations.
... Many subsequent studies on TM (e.g. Cheng 1985;Teng 2002;Tseng 2003;Kuo 2005) continue along this line and look more closely into the formation of this Mandarin variety as well as its divergence from Beijing Mandarin. These studies suggest that the deviation of TM from MSM was motivated both by substrate influence from local Taiwanese languages and dialects, and by normal linguistic divergence due to a long period of social separation as Taiwanese developed their own cultural and social identity over time. ...
... Some of the most studied features of TM are, for example, (i) the retroflex sounds in MSM are realized as alveolar-palatal affricates or fricatives in TM (e.g. /tù/→/ts/, /tù h /→/ts h /, and /ù/→/s/) (Kuo 2005), (ii) in (1), the structure of [gei+obj+complement] illustrates an innovative function and grammaticalization of gei in PTH, which is not observed in PTH, and (iii) example (2) shows that the morpheme you has developed the function of an aspect marker in TM (Tseng 2003;Ling 1991;Kubler 1981). ...
... Certain linguistic features have been recognized as accounting for the perceived distinctions between TM and PTH. Linguistically, TM has inherited many historical southern features, such as the shift of alveolar nasals to velar nasals, as well as the replacement of retroflex initials with dental initials (Kuo 2005). 4 The latter raises the acoustic frequency of these initials, lending an iconic association to TM with being petit and cute. ...
While traditional variationist sociolinguists resist citing media exposure as a source of language variation, this chapter presents an experimental study that demonstrates the effects of media exposure on grammaticality judgments and regional association. Chinese Mainlanders with reported Taiwanese TV exposure were more likely to rate Taiwanese Mandarin (TM) features as grammatically more acceptable, as well as to associate the features with TM. Data were collected through an online survey consisting of acceptability judgments, written-guise attitude tasks, reported viewing habits, and demographic questions. Principle Component Analysis was deployed to identify the key personality traits linked to TM that contribute to the media effects. The results suggest an intertwined relationship in which the effects of media exposure on acceptability judgments are moderated by language attitudes.
... This question leads to a series of further calls for evidence about the backgrounds and dialects of groups which come into contact; the ethnographic setting of the groups; their language ideologies; and the so-called 'ecology' -the nature of social life -of early post-contact societies. The two examples highlighted in his contribution focus on New Zealand English (Britain, 2008) and on the formation of Taiwanese Mandarin (Kuo, 2005). In a recent paper on dialect formation and change in the Industrial Revolution in Britain, Kerswill (2018:33) has also focussed attention on the importance of looking at 'social class in an early capitalist society'. ...
Abstract
The paper argues for further development of models of koineization in a historical
perspective. The four processes inherent in koineization reported in Britain (2012a) are
taken as a starting point to show how the question of discerning these phenomena in the past is inherently problematic, but not impossible. After discussing some issues in
identifying these processes in a medieval context, the paper moves to previous analyses of diastratic variation in studies of koineization. Using the data available for late medieval Italy, emphasis is placed on how diastratic variation is discernible in three parameters of verb morphology arising in the resultant koine, focussing on medieval Milanese. These observations, in turn, lead to further elaboration of a diastratic component in order to broaden our understanding of language change.
... Many subsequent studies on TM (e.g. Cheng 1985;Teng 2002;Tseng 2003;Kuo 2005) continue along this line and look more closely into the formation of this Mandarin variety as well as its divergence from Mainland Standard Mandarin (MSM). These studies suggest that the deviation of TM from MSM was motivated both by substrate influence from local Taiwanese languages and dialects and by normal linguistic divergence stemming from a long period of social separation as the Taiwanese developed their own cultural and social identity over time. ...
Although there is a long-standing tradition discounting the effect of media exposure on language variation, this study shows how televised media formulate and reinforce the sociosemiotic links between linguistic features and their regional associations. The Mandarin aspect marker you is an interesting case in this regard, as it is semiotically linked mostly, if not exclusively, to Taiwanese Mandarin by many Chinese mainlanders, even though the feature is, in fact, also observed in many southern Mandarin varieties on the mainland. Drawing upon Agha’s concept of enregisterment, the goals of this study are 1) to provide empirical evidence of the semiotic work that media do to language, and 2) to test whether exposure to Taiwanese televised media contributes to the mismatch between the regional association and actual geographical distribution of the aspect marker you . The findings of this study suggest two levels of media influence: meta-awareness and indexicality. The relationships between these two levels are incremental and mutually constitutive, and televised media play the role of catalyzing these reciprocal processes.
... The task for linguists interested in the genesis of these new varieties has included establishing the nature of and influences on contact-induced linguistic change, the influence of acquisition mechanisms, and the structures of the varietiesmetropolitan, local, and otherthat actually came into contact in the colonial setting often centuries in the past. As part of this endeavor, Mufwene (1996), Trudgill (1986, Montgomery (1989), and many others have made clear the importance of establishing the structures of the nonstandard varieties of the metropolitan languages used in the colonial settings, and others have pointed to problematic cases where this has not been heeded (Britain 2008;Kuo 2005). A sensitivity to the colonial ecology has enabled us to successfully tease apart how, in different places, at different times, in different contexts, different types of linguistic outcome have emerged. ...
In our attempts to understand how particular linguistic outcomes emerged in colonial settings, where European languages and dialects encountered those of indigenous peoples, in communities where different forms of slavery and forced migration had shaped the new demographic, in new tabula rasa contexts, and in contexts where colonial intervention had different degrees of intensity and settlement, we rightly have been urged to consider very carefully the sociolinguistic ecology of language (and dialect) contact. Mufwene (1996: 85) argued that in every colony, metropolitan varieties had to adapt to new (and often very different) socio-ecological circumstances, so their structural linguistic material came into contact with that of other varieties in the community. As a consequence, adaptations resulted and new varieties came into being. The task for linguists interested in the genesis of these new varieties has included establishing the nature of and influences on contact-induced linguistic change, the influence of acquisition mechanisms, and the structures of the varieties-metropolitan, local, and other-that actually came into contact in the colonial setting often centuries in the past. As part of this endeavor, Mufwene (1996), Trudgill (1986, 2004), Montgomery (1989), and many others have made clear the importance of establishing the structures of the nonstandard varieties of the metropolitan languages used in the colonial settings, and others have pointed to problematic cases where this has not been heeded (Britain 2008; Kuo 2005). A sensitivity to the colonial ecology has enabled us to successfully tease apart how, in different places, at different times, in different contexts, different types of linguistic outcome have emerged. Focusing on the Anglo colonial context, I aim here to discuss the sociolinguistic ecology not of the destinations of colonists and settlers but of the Great Britain they left behind.
... Many subsequent studies on TM (e.g. Cheng 1985;Teng 2002;Tseng 2003;Kuo 2005) continue along this line and look more closely into the formation of this Mandarin variety as well as its divergence from the standard Mandarin spoken in mainland China, known as Putonghua (henceforth PTH). These studies suggest that the deviation of TM from PTH was motivated both by substrate influence from local Taiwanese languages and dialects, and by normal linguistic divergence due to a long period of social separation as Taiwanese developed their own cultural and social identity over time. ...
... " Responses (5a) and (5b) describe TM as local or vernacular sounding, awkward and nonstandard. As mentioned earlier, many southern Chinese varieties share linguistic features such as the replacement of retroflex initials with dental initials (see also Kuo 2005), as well as the merger of velar nasals with alveolar nasals (i.e. /ŋ/ merged to /n/), and alveolar lateral initials to alveolar nasals (i.e. ...
... /l/ merged to /n/). Influenced by Taiwanese Southern Min, which has no rhotic sounds, the lack of rhoticity is one of the most salient phonological features of TM (Kubler 1981(Kubler , 1985Kuo 2005), creating a stark contrast to the rhotacization in Beijing Mandarin, which Zhang (2005Zhang ( , 2008 described as the Beijing Smooth Operator style. This departure from PTH is perceived rather negatively by many participants. ...
This study examines the changing perceptions of Taiwan Mandarin (TM) among Chinese mainlanders and how televised media contribute to the formation of language ideology. This study shows that televised media play a role in reinforcing the socio-semiotic link between ideologies and linguistic practice. TM is traditionally associated with chic, urban television celebrities and young cosmopolitan types. However, the results of an online survey measuring language attitudes towards televised TM among young mainlanders indicate that the social prestige of TM may be waning for this demographic. TM is now perceived by many millennials on the mainland as gentle, pretentious and emasculated. The changing attitude among millennials on the Chinese mainland towards TM can be ascribed in part to (1) social and economic changes on the mainland and (2) the way TM is stylized in televised media.
... i ' rea git as a threat to our ability to access descrip-One example of how contact models have been used to . . . of c~ange (see also Britain 2008) is Kuo's (2005) k rernt~rpret existrng explanations acqmred a significant Mandarin-speakin co _ wor on Taiwanese Mandarin. Taiwan late 1940s, when Mao's Communists g h mmuruty o~y after the Chinese Civil War in the China. ...
... She thereb . de e reg.iona ongrns of the common~centralBeijingtheywererarelyfoufdels~~;:~ted ~hat while retroflexes were absent amidst the varieties of differe t Chin 1 rnChina,andwerealmostentrrely century migrants to Taiwan (Kuo 2005 ~h 6) ~se al7guages. spoken by the mid-twentieth were at least ten times more common ~h . ...
... In Taiwan, there were simply no-or rather far too few-retroflexes to merge with. So it seems very likely that the lack of retroflexes (and many other features of Standard Beijing Mandarin, examined by Kuo (2005)) in Taiwanese Mandarin was a simple result of them not having been brought to Taiwan in sufficient numbers in the first place, and the few that were brought, being highly marked, were swiftly leveled away. Kuo (2005) additionally conducted an analysis of these features in the contemporary Taiwanese Mandarin of the city of Keelung, and finds that of over 12,000 tokens of the relevant variables there were no fully retroflex tokens at all, and just 21 occurrences of "nearretroflexes" (2005,136). ...
... Furthermore, affective similarities and social approval result in a kind of group convergence for Southern Min speakers as the majority ethnic group in Taiwan (Giles & Smith 1979). Previous studies have proposed that Taiwan Mandarin is the end result of a koinéization process, which mainly underwent the process of dialect leveling, particularly Southern Min (Hsu & Tse 2009;Kuo 2005). However, our data show that Taiwan Mandarin is not, as yet, a koiné or a new dialect (Kerswill 2002;Siegel 1985), since it has not yet led to the end result of dialect leveling, but is more like a variation form affected by the pronunciation of Southern Min. ...
This article studies three phonological variants of /kwo y/ and the acoustic properties of /o/ and /y/ in 1,159 Taiwan Mandarin face-to-face interviews from social perspectives. Language shift from Southern Min and Hakka towards Taiwan Mandarin, leading to dialect loss, is updated by quantitative evidence derived from a series of sociolinguistic analyses. Social factors including gender, age group, educational level, internet use, and childhood residence significantly correlate with the use of three /kwo y/ variants: the standard form, /w_o/ merger, and /y/ delabialization. The latter two variants are typical Southern Min-accented Mandarin pronunciation. However, results of acoustic analysis of /o/ and /y/ suggest that the influences of Southern Min are significant only in the group with the largest Southern Min exposure. That is, for Taiwan Mandarin in its current form, dialect mixing is progressing due to intensive contact with Southern Min. But it is not a stabilized end form of change, yet.
... Many subsequent studies of Taiwan Mandarin (e.g. Cheng 1985Cheng , 1997Teng 2002;Tseng 2003;Kuo 2005) continue along this line and look more closely into the formation of this Mandarin variety as well as its divergence from MSM. Influenced by the so-called "third-wave" sociolinguistics studies, more recent studies look at the varying attitudes towards Taiwan Mandarin, either among Taiwan Mandarin speakers themselves (e.g. Liao 2008Liao , 2010Baran 2014;Su 2008) or among Mainland Chinese (e.g. ...
Proceedings of the 27th North American Conference on Chinese Linguistics, Volume 1.
... Some early research on new dialects, however, did not take all of these essential factors into consideration. I provide two examples that highlight this here; one from New Zealand English (Britain 2008), and another from the formation of Taiwanese Mandarin (Kuo 2005). New Zealand English (NZE) began to be formed from the mid-19th century onwards as a result of migration from the British Isles and Australia. ...
... The previous literature on Taiwanese Mandarin suggested strongly that this new variety was different from Standard Beijing Mandarin because of the second language acquisition failure of the Southern Min speaking populationin essence, that Taiwanese Mandarin was a result of the inability of the Taiwanese to learn Mandarin accurately. Earlier researchers pointed to the fact, for example, that whilst Standard Beijing Mandarin had four retroflex consonants in its inventory, Southern Min had none, and so, when learning Mandarin, the Southern Min speakers merged the retroflexes with corresponding non-retroflex sounds, and diffused these non-retroflex consonants to the population at large, including to the children of original mainlanders (see Kuo 2005 for a long review of the claims to this effect). Through a very careful analysis both of the structure of Chinese dialects in the middle of the 20th century, and census information on the regional origins of the migrant mainlander population, Yun-Hsuan Kuo (2005) demonstrated that whilst retroflexes were common in central Beijing, they were rarely found elsewhere in China, and were almost entirely absent in those areas from which the mid-20th century migrants to Taiwan had originated. ...
... Earlier researchers pointed to the fact, for example, that whilst Standard Beijing Mandarin had four retroflex consonants in its inventory, Southern Min had none, and so, when learning Mandarin, the Southern Min speakers merged the retroflexes with corresponding non-retroflex sounds, and diffused these non-retroflex consonants to the population at large, including to the children of original mainlanders (see Kuo 2005 for a long review of the claims to this effect). Through a very careful analysis both of the structure of Chinese dialects in the middle of the 20th century, and census information on the regional origins of the migrant mainlander population, Yun-Hsuan Kuo (2005) demonstrated that whilst retroflexes were common in central Beijing, they were rarely found elsewhere in China, and were almost entirely absent in those areas from which the mid-20th century migrants to Taiwan had originated. The merger of retroflex and non-retroflex, proposed by earlier researchers, seems untenable given that retroflex consonants were barely used at all by the Mandarin speaking population of Taiwan, let alone the Southern Min speakers. ...
