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The contemporary media culture raises more complex issues than ever before. Digital technologies, and advances of media such as the Internet, have driven the development. In this changing media landscape, traditional media, such as television, radio and newspapers, remain powerful, but their preconditions are affected.
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... Some of the independent variables need some further explanation. We operationalized the degree of media competition by the number of nation-wide available television channels (from European Audiovisual Observatory, 2011) and by the number of paid national daily newspapers (from Leckner & Facht, 2010), both corrected for the amount of inhabitants. The type of government cabinet was operationalized by calculating a dummy variable based upon the amount of parties in the government: countries with one or two parties in government (7 countries) versus countries with three or more parties in government (9 countries). ...
News coverage of politicians is very unequally distributed: a few powerful politicians receive the bulk of media attention, while the large majority hardly gets into the news. However, case studies show that news outlets in some countries give more attention to ordinary politicians compared to other democracies. This study examines and explains the variation in media visibility of politicians with different institutional functions across Western democracies. We employ a large-scale content analysis of television news, newspapers and online news in sixteen countries to analyze whether a political system logic determines the distribution of political functions appearing in the news. This logic suggests that journalists follow the political hierarchy of the country when covering politicians. We also check for an additional media logic that would push journalists to focus on a limited number of high-standing politicians. The results confirm that both logics matter, but that mainly the structural characteristics of the political system have an impact on the distribution of news coverage of politicians. In countries where political power is more equally distributed across politicians, a broader range of (elite) politicians makes it into the news. Our results suggest that the media logic is nested in the broader political context and in some cases even strengthens the logic of the political system.
... First, all the world's top 25 media houses are headquartered either in the USA and Japan or Western Europe and Australia (Leckner & Facht, 2011). Globally, Brazil and India occupy the 11th and 14th positions if media markets are ranked countrywise (Winseck, 2011). ...
Mainstream discourses on the globalisation of media that delineate the emergence of privately owned television channels in the periphery country as evening out metropolitan domination are belied by concrete evidence. This essay argues that the rise of southern players has undermined state broadcasting rather than dismantling ‘media imperialism’. Based on two case studies, Pakistan Television (PTV) and Doordarshan (DD), this study demonstrates that the actual, if inadvertent, victim of globalisation has been state broadcasting and an associated developmentist model of television. As a result the decline of state-led television channels has radically transformed television systems in India and Pakistan. While DD and PTV view their audiences as citizens, the globalisation of media has resulted in a commodification of television audiences. Instead of public interest, audience maximisation has become the dominant logic of television systems in both these countries. In the process, developmentist television systems have been replaced by the commercially driven systems.
... First, in 2009, 90.9% of its population used the Internet -one of the highest penetration rates in the world. Second, in 2008, Norway's average circulation of paid-for daily newspapers was 570.6 per 1,000, which is one of the highest average circulation rates in the world (Leckner & Facht 2011). These are valid reasons to assume that the majority of Norwegians encountered the Internet through daily use and as newspaper readers during the period under study. ...
In popular science and technology writing, " boosterism " is prominent. Writers overwhelmingly describe science and technology in enthusiastic terms, thereby promoting the deficit or Public Appreciation of Science and Technology model (PAST). A crucial aspect of the PAST model is its pro-innovation bias: writers enroll chaperones in the texts, such as spokespersons, users, celebrities, witnesses, experts, and authorities, to support their claims. Both " boosterism " and pro-innovation bias constrain the public's critical understanding of science and technology. This study includes a detailed exploration of pro-innovation bias in the popularization of the Internet in the Norwegian press and how journalists use chaperones to support their claims. The author demonstrates that, in popularizing the Internet, pro-innovation bias manifests several other biases, such as individual-praise, pro-technology, individual-blame, technology-blame, and source biases.
... Our study is based on a content analysis of poll coverage in seven Danish newspapers before, during, and after the 2011 parliamentary election campaign. Similar to other Central and Northern European countries, the media system in Denmark is a democratic corporatist system (Hallin & Mancini, 2004) and daily newspaper readership is relatively high (Leckner & Facht, 2010). There are no legal restrictions on the publication of polls in Denmark (Petersen, 2012), and poll coverage is widespread in Danish newspapers (Pedersen, 2014). ...
... However, in spite of these free or perceived free alternatives to news from the press, research into audiences' willingness to pay for online news in this particular country should be of international interest. Because Denmark (alongside the other Nordic countries) is a country with very high internet penetration (Leckner & Facht, 2010) and with high levels of both news consumption and income per capita (Newman & Levy, 2013; OECD, 2013), audience payment might be expected to have comparably good conditions for actually succeeding in this country. So, even though the results do not automatically apply to the situation in other countries or media markets, the Danish case represents a " most likely case " for successful implementation of digital subscription. ...
After more than a decade of giving online news away for free, legacy newspaper organisations in many Western countries have recently begun charging audiences for access to online journalistic content. Focusing empirically on a Danish case, this article uses one survey (n = 1054) and two focus groups to examine audiences' attitudes toward paying for online news. The analysis suggests that audiences' general principles regarding paying for online news influence their willingness to pay more than the size of the subscription fee. Furthermore, the analysis shows that younger audiences' willingness to pay increases if they can combine content from different news providers and thereby individualise their news products. The latter in particular can have practical implications as it presents a way forward for economically challenged legacy newspaper organisations, but it might also compromise the democratic ideals of journalism.
... The analysis was based on all news articles about the election campaign from six major Danish newspaperstwo morning dailies, two tabloids, and two free newspapers-published in print during the 2007 and the 2011 parliamentary election campaigns. 3 The media system in Denmark is characterized by a relatively high newspaper penetration, with daily readership at 76% (Esmark & Ørsten, 2008;Leckner & Facht, 2010). Furthermore, previous studies have shown that Danish newspapers cover negative campaigning and use the strategic game frame to a large extent (de Vreese, 2005b;de Vreese & Semetko, 2002;Hansen & Pedersen, 2008;Pedersen, 2012). ...
News media coverage of election campaigns is often characterized by use of the strategic game frame and a focus on politicians' use of negative campaigning. However, the exact relationship between these two characteristics of news coverage is largely unexplored. This article theorizes that consumer demand and norms of journalistic independence might induce the news media outlets to cover negative campaigning with a strategic game frame. A comprehensive content analysis based on several newspaper types, several election campaigns, and several different measurements of media framing confirms that news coverage of negative campaigning does apply the strategic game frame to a significantly larger degree than articles covering positive campaigning. This finding has significant implications for campaigning politicians and for scholars studying campaign and media effects.
... Traditional mass media have played a significant role in delivering foreign news [9]. Even in the era of social media, traditional news channels are still the main sources that most people rely on [18]. Thus, the selection of foreign news by domestic news media is shaping individuals' perception about those countries [27]. ...
In this work, we reveal the structure of global news coverage of disasters
and its determinants by using a large-scale news coverage dataset collected by
the GDELT (Global Data on Events, Location, and Tone) project that monitors
news media in over 100 languages from the whole world. Significant variables in
our hierarchical (mixed-effect) regression model, such as the number of
population, the political stability, the damage, and more, are well aligned
with a series of previous research. Yet, strong regionalism we found in news
geography highlights the necessity of the comprehensive dataset for the study
of global news coverage.
... Asimismo, el control concentrado tanto del mercado de contenidos de la oferta comunicativa como de los flujos informativos mundiales de su distribución y difusión, va más allá de los intereses de los anunciantes y grupos de poder económico a ellos asociados, para poner en evidencia una lucha por el control del sentido de estos cambios a escala política mundial. Distintos estudios contemporáneos (Arsenault y Castells, 2008;Fitzgerald, 2012;Leckner y Facht, 2010) identifican una serie de mega corporaciones que controlan el "negocio" del entretenimiento y la cultura de masas a escala global. Entre ellas encontramos a Time Warner, Gannett Company Inc., News Corporation, Viacom/CBS, Vivendi, Walt Disney Co. y Bertelsmann AG, entre otras. ...
Bajo una tendencia a la convergencia tecnológica que alimenta una sostenida concentración
de las estructuras propietarias, el mercado contemporáneo de la información, la
comunicación y el entretenimiento muestra un alto dinamismo. Asimismo, el despliegue de
un discurso mediático transnacional con frecuencia hegemónico, se consolida afectando el
acceso de cada sociedad al espacio de sus asuntos públicos. Tomando algunos casos
testigos (principalmente México, Argentina y Venezuela), se propone abordar tales
transformaciones en la región latinoamericana a partir de tres claves interpretativas:
primero, la intervención del estado en la gestión de la información pública y la definición
de los contextos de operación de los grupos mediáticos; segundo, el valor estratégico de la
comunicación dentro de la lógica propiamente expansiva de todo esquema de dominación
ideológico-política; tercero, el lugar de la expresión cultural como eje articulador de los
procesos de comunicación masiva, en su doble condición contradictoria de objeto de la
libertad de productores simbólicos y de derecho universal de pueblos, ciudadanos y
consumidores.
... Wherever someone in the world tunes into a TV set, he or she will sooner or later encounter a TV newscast. Often, these newscasts are the most heavily viewed programmes, and by and large they are the main source of information for many people, even with the growing use of the Internet (Leckner and Facht, 2010; www.worldstats.com). This is particularly true for news from other countries and regions in the world. ...
Since the advent of television in the middle of the 20th century, news has been an essential ingredient in TV programming. Often these newscasts are the most heavily viewed programmes, and by and large they are the main source of information for many people. This is particularly true for news from other countries and regions in the world. This immense significance of TV news has made it an important field in communication research. The article presents a new study that is formed from a multinational project. The project investigated foreign TV news in 17 countries from five regions in the world: Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Chile, China, Egypt, Germany, Hong Kong, Israel, Italy, Japan, Poland, Portugal, Singapore, Switzerland, Taiwan and the United States of America. The data of the content analysis in all these countries in 2008 contain over 17,500 news items. The analysis concentrates on ‘news geography’, a term that is used to describe the extent to which the countries of the planet are represented in TV news. The results show a complex, multifaceted picture of foreign news reporting in the world. This multifaceted picture demands multi-causal interpretation. Several factors are discussed, i.e. the types of countries, their political order and integration into the international system, trade, different degrees in political power, but also historical connections, cultural ties, etc. Principally, the foreign news outlet depends on the selection criteria of journalists. On the whole the findings seem to question the world’s globalization, which is often taken for granted.
Social media users are not just potential consumers of political content they are also potential producers and distributors. In this paper, we test whether political predispositions or the popularity of posts best explains users’ engagement with political content on Facebook. Using a large-scale survey deployed in Denmark, we utilize a 2 × 2 × 3 survey experiment that manipulates the partisan sponsor of a political message, the number of likes attributed to that message, and the nature of the comments attached to that post. Our findings indicate that individuals are most likely to like, comment, and share political content that aligns with their political predispositions, as the choice to like, share and comment political content on Facebook is largely unaffected by likes and comments from other users. Though we recognize the dangers of obstinacy in democratic discourse, we are somewhat assured by these findings, as it shows that those who engage with political content do not follow a blind herd mentality.