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1 Productive and Unproductive Labour by Industry (thousands), UK, Census Years 1861 1871 1881 1891 1901 1911

1 Productive and Unproductive Labour by Industry (thousands), UK, Census Years 1861 1871 1881 1891 1901 1911

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Context 1
... for example the UK in the census years 1861 to 1911 as shown in Table 2.1. ...

Citations

... R. De Falco , Hence, neoliberal economic thinking favours an anti-statist, individualistic ethos with minimum public intervention in the functioning of the market. Austerity is an expression of such socioeconomic project, as it entails tight fiscal and monetary policies, including tax reforms and expenditure cuts, in order to control inflation and limit the scope for state intervention (Saad-Filho 2003). Cutting cash benefits and essential services is not very popular; thus, the economic crisis seems an excellent scenario to superimpose these policies from their main promoters, such as the World Bank and the IMF. ...
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Abstract The recent COVID-19 emergency has shown how universal healthcare and social security are indispensable to save lives, preserve human dignity and make economies resilient. The global lockdown, though, prompted a massive supply shock, which is now causing a new economic depression, different from any other recession in living memory. The Global South is being affected the most, with the virus wrecking communities and their economies. A rights-based approach to fiscal and economic recovery can be the answer. Indeed, partly as a consequence of the human suffering wrought by the 2008’s global financial crisis, human rights scholars and practitioners have developed a wide range of policy options to build inclusive, sustainable economic recovery. This article has two aims. First, it will review the normative foundation of the rights-based approach to economic recovery, including most recent developments, open debates as well as its strengths and weaknesses. Second, this work suggests that too little attention is paid to economic pluralism in such a framework. After briefly summarising what economic pluralism is, it will be argued why it is an invaluable tool in advancing rights-based recovery and overcoming the unnecessary Manichean opposition between economics and human rights. Overall, this work seeks to advance the academic discourse on a rights-based framework to economic recovery, as to place people at the centre amid the COVID-19 recession. Keywords: human rights budgeting, economic, social and cultural rights, economic pluralism, economics and human rights, COVID-19.
... On a different track all these explanations, according to neo-Marxian analysis (for example: Gray, Owen, & Adams, 1996;Saad-Filho, 2003), are superficial interpretations of structural nature of capitalism, it does not explain sensibly why do these power holders want to maintain their resource access?, and whether their acts are really driven by motives such as personal gain, organizational benefits, patriotic attitudes, national interest or social gain. However, Sri Lankan Banking culture, which is heavily, influenced by traditional arbitrary methods used in the society in general, known as too lenient towards rule breakers due to corruption and favoritisms. ...
Conference Paper
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This research seeks to explore and show how and why the powerful bank owners disregard normal banking practices in credit evaluation and expose banks for huge credit risk and become sources rather than managers of risk. This research report shows how and why the corporate board of a private bank in Sri Lanka finds loopholes to escape from, or/and simply violate certain regulatory requirements and statutory directives that are in place to minimize risks and strengthen stability. The methodology used in this research is ethnographic case study research methodology using critical theory approach. The researcher was unable to find related research in Sri Lanka, although this likely increased the originality of this research topic, it also prevented the researcher building on, and comparing this research findings with previous research findings regarding this research topic. The empirical research findings show how the powerful bank owners misuse or abuse the legitimate authority of their corporate boards and approve credit facilities based on 'trust' under the façades such as social responsibility and patriotism. Such decisions expose financial institutions not only to huge credit risk but also to risks of loosing reputation in trustworthiness/ reliability and even creating a bad image on stability, especially to banks which are supposed to be the guardians or trustees of public funds/deposits. Based on my theoretical analysis and interpretation I argue that they make such decisions to protect and strengthen their own socioeconomic power base. The paper has important implications for finance regulators and bank supervisors in Sri Lanka and beyond especially in the Third World countries. Also the paper attempts to fill a gap in the literature pertaining to the motives, mechanisms and outcomes of certain credit decisions made by corporate boards of banks with regards to risk management.
... Marxism is a structuralist theory that links events in the world to underlying structures of economic and political power and the flows of capital they enable. 1 Global capitalism brings combined and uneven development across space and time, and Marxist theorists (Harvey, 2010;Wallerstein, 2009) trace the evolution of this system in terms of waves of capital accumulation, changing global divisions of labour and economic ideas, recurrent crises, and contradictions that open the possibility of alternatives that may provide the focus for anti-capitalist movements (Saad-Filho, 2003). Theories of dependency (Amin, 1976), world systems (Fordham University, 2016), and network society (Castells, 2013) are influential in explaining development and underdevelopment. ...
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The Global Learning Programme in England employs a new form of networked governance to deliver education for sustainable development in schools. This article focuses on Biccum's claim that such programmes serve to sustain the prevailing neo-liberal hegemony by further marginalizing critical voices such as those drawing on Marxist and post-structuralist theories. After introducing the GLP, Biccum's argument, and indicators of the neo-liberalization of education for sustainable development, it examines the potential of these two theories to inform critical pedagogy. It then evaluates the GLP's core guidance, assessing the extent to which it reflects the indicators and whether it is likely to promote such pedagogy. It concludes by outlining some research questions.
... For some, it designates a hard-wired reality … while others view it as a doctrine … It is alternately depicted as a tight, fixed, and monolithic set of principles and programs that tend to homogenize societies, or as a loose, mobile, and plastic constellation of concepts and institutions adaptable to variegated strands of capitalism'. 2. See, for example, Ayers and Saad Filho (2008), Bayliss et al. (2011), Chang et al. (2012), Fine (2010a, 2010b), Fine and Hall (2012), Fine and Saad Filho (2014), Saad Filho (2003Filho ( , 2007Filho ( , 2008Filho ( , 2011), Saad-Filho and Johnston (2005) and Saad-Filho and Yalman (2010). 3. ...
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This article examines the theories and practices of neoliberalism across 13 aspects of (‘things you need to know about’) neoliberalism. They include the argument that neoliberalism is not reducible to a cogent ideology or a change in economic or social policies, nor is it primarily about a shift in the relationship between the state and the market or between workers and capital in general, or finance in particular. Instead, neoliberalism is a stage in the development of capitalism underpinned by financialization. Neoliberalism by its nature is highly diversified in its features, impact and outcomes, reflecting specific combinations of scholarship, ideology, policy and practice. In turn, these are attached to distinctive material cultures giving rise to the (variegated) neoliberalization of everyday life and, at a further remove, to specific modalities of economic growth, volatility and crisis. Finally, this paper argues that there are alternatives, both within and beyond neoliberalism itself.
... A feature of the past two decades has been the rise of the antiglobalisation (anti-capitalist, anti-corporate, proglobal justice) movements and a series of global revolutions, which are 'still kicking off everywhere' (Mason, 2013). These movements have prompted a renewed interest in anarchism (Albert, 2014;Graeber, 2013), Marxism (Harvey, 2014;Saad-Filho, 2003) and green socialism (Swift, 2014;Woodin and Lucas, 2004), and in related forms of global democracy and citizenship (for example, Dobson, 2011;Monbiot, 2003;Open Democracy, 2012;Smith, 2009) that include those considered by Dryzek ( Figure 3) and others originating in the global South (Smith et al., 2014). ...
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What is involved in encouraging learners to think critically about the state of the world? And what may be required to make it more just and sustainable? This article answers these questions by focusing on global political economy, governance and citizenship. It draws on critical theories relating to network society, global deliberative democracy, reflexive modernisation and global citizenship education, to show how geography teachers might respond to the concerns of contemporary youth. Readers are encouraged to consider the contested discourses surrounding global citizenship education and recognise the limitations of curriculum guidance offered by the Global Learning Programme.
... Political activity revolves around contrasting strategies for the administration of public affairs (that is, class relations in their broadest sense), which seem to be only indirectly related to the extraction of surplus value. In order to prosper, capitalist states must be committed to the expanded reproduction of the dominant social relations, and they must have adequate revenue-generating and coercive powers to secure their own operations (Harvey, 2003;Saad-Filho, 2003). For these reasons, states must intervene both in 'political' conflicts (e.g. ...
... Neoliberalism is the contemporary mode of existence of capitalism. This global system of accumulation emerged gradually, since the mid-1970s, through successive attempts to stabilize the global economy, reduce the power of labour, recompose capitalist rule and restore profitability after the disarticulation of the Keynesian-social democratic consensus, the paralysis of developmentalism and the implosion of the Soviet bloc (Duménil and Lévy, 2004;O'Connor, 2010;Saad-Filho, 2003Saad-Filho and Johnston, 2005). Neoliberalism is based on the systematic use of state power, under a 'free market' cloak, to transform the material basis of accumulation at five levels: the allocation of resources, international economic integration, the role of the state, ideology, and the reproduction of the working class (Jessop, 1991). ...
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Procedural (formal, liberal, capitalist or bourgeois) democracy is the political form of neoliberalism, and it dominates political thought and state practice today. This modality of management of class relations is currently in crisis, expressed through the evacuation of politics, the erosion of civil liberties and the emergence of authoritarian governance. This article offers a Marxist critique of neoliberal democracy, concluding that neoliberalism is incompatible with the expansion of democracy into key areas of social life. This is expressed by six paradoxes of democracy. Conversely, the expansion of democracy can provide an effective lever for the abolition of neoliberalism. This approach is promising for three reasons: first, the expansion of democracy is valuable in itself. Second, the contradictions between economic and political democracy illuminate the limitations of contemporary capitalism. Third, struggles about the nature and content of democracy can throw into question the limitations of capitalism as a mode of production.
... Themes such as organization of capitalism on a worldwide scale, global interconnectedness and interdependence, and cultural homogenization, engaged the authors of the Manifesto in the mid-nineteenth century as much as they are on everyone's lips today and the striking applicability of that account to contemporary circumstances is often stressed in the context of the debate on globalization (Bromley 1999;Burnham 1998;Duménil and Lévy 2008) and now particularly the ongoing global crisis (Amin 2011;Beams 2008;Harman 2009;Hobsbawm 2011: 3-15;Mészáros 2010;North 2012;Radice 2011;Rees 2012). The enduring relevance of Marx's analysis of capitalism has encouraged several contemporary Marxist scholars to take a sceptical standpoint on the novelty or uniqueness of globalization (Rosenberg 2000(Rosenberg , 2005Saad-Filho 2003). Conversely, other thinkers assume the distinctiveness of the current global economic structures and praise Marx and Engels as two great visionaries who foresaw the present transnational form of capitalism: 'Marx and Engels did not describe the world as it had already been transformed by capitalism in 1848; they predicted how it was logically destined to be transformed' (Hobsbawm 1998: 17). ...
Book
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Ideology has been pronounced dead on several occasions in the past. The most recent verdict to this effect has been made in the context of the globalization debate. It proclaims the decline of 'ideological' politics in the fragmented societies of today and especially the irrelevance of established ideological systems and their failure to provide answers to the dilemmas of an increasingly global world. This popular view is challenged here. On the basis of conceptual and historical analysis applied to a range of major ideological traditions this book argues that no such ideological rupture has in fact occurred. While conceptual shifts are identifiable, changes have occurred within existing ideological configurations and according to their pre-existing logical requirements. Globalization has not destabilized conventional ideologies to an extent that would render them incoherent. On the contrary, they remain meaningful as distinct sets of political beliefs and as such shape the globalization debate.
... To clarify the last point, one can refer to a particular aspect of capitalism: the split between the political and economic spheres of the capitalist State that Saad-Filho, among others, discusses (Saad-Filho, 2003). This separation means that economic processes are not subordinated to the political authority of the State, contrary to the case of pre-capitalist and quasi-capitalist structures of governance. ...
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The aim of this paper is to explore the notions of equality and choice as they pertain to present and future educational practices within the framework of the advanced capitalist structures of the United States. Our objective is to deconstruct the fallacy of equality that seems to occupy a major space in the discourse of structural improvements of the classroom, both as diagnosis of the presumed crisis of public education and as resolution of this crisis from a neo-liberal stand point. For this purpose we attempted to interrogate the logic of equality as it demonstrates itself in today's market ideology, but also in reflecting on the historical genesis of equality outside and within the domain of education.
... Themes such as organization of capitalism on a worldwide scale, global interconnectedness and interdependence, and cultural homogenization, engaged the authors of the Manifesto in the mid-nineteenth century as much as they are on everyone's lips today and the striking applicability of that account to contemporary circumstances is often stressed in the context of the debate on globalization (Bromley 1999;Burnham 1998;Duménil and Lévy 2008) and now particularly the ongoing global crisis (Amin 2011;Beams 2008;Harman 2009;Hobsbawm 2011: 3-15;Mészáros 2010;North 2012;Radice 2011;Rees 2012). The enduring relevance of Marx's analysis of capitalism has encouraged several contemporary Marxist scholars to take a sceptical standpoint on the novelty or uniqueness of globalization (Rosenberg 2000(Rosenberg , 2005Saad-Filho 2003). Conversely, other thinkers assume the distinctiveness of the current global economic structures and praise Marx and Engels as two great visionaries who foresaw the present transnational form of capitalism: 'Marx and Engels did not describe the world as it had already been transformed by capitalism in 1848; they predicted how it was logically destined to be transformed' (Hobsbawm 1998: 17). ...
Chapter
Parallel but opposed to the globalist visions of liberalism and Marxism, the rejection of the global has a long history. This chapter examines anti-globalization positions articulated on the right end of the political spectrum. It traces the development of these ideas from the long tradition of European anti-universalism while also identifying new conceptual and rhetorical shifts espoused by parties, movements and intellectuals representing national populist and fascist thought.
... Green socialism would heal social, environmental and ecological relations by encouraging production for use rather than profit; adopting waste-free and appropriate technologies; providing satisfying work and a basic wage for all; reducing working hours in the formal economy to free time for self and community development; encouraging internationalism and the global redistribution of wealth alongside greater local and regional self-sufficiency; and engaging all citizens in the planning of their lives and futures through new forms of environmental, ecological and global citizenship (Dobson, 2003, Monbiot, 2003. Pepper (1993), Kovel (2007), and Foster et al (2010) are among those who have written on green or eco-socialism, and green socialists are well represented amongst anti-capitalist protestors (Saad-Filho, 2003, Gilbert, 2008. ...