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ABSTRACT: Neighborhood-level interventions provide an opportunity to better understand the impact that neighborhoods have on health. In 2004, municipal authorities in Medellín, Colombia, built a public transit system to connect isolated low-income neighborhoods to the city's urban center. Transit-oriented development was accompanied by municipal investment in neighborhood infrastructure. In this study, the authors examined the effects of this exogenous change in the built environment on violence. Neighborhood conditions and violence were assessed in intervention neighborhoods (n = 25) and comparable control neighborhoods (n = 23) before (2003) and after (2008) completion of the transit project, using a longitudinal sample of 466 residents and homicide records from the Office of the Public Prosecutor. Baseline differences between these groups were of the same magnitude as random assignment of neighborhoods would have generated, and differences that remained after propensity score matching closely resembled imbalances produced by paired randomization. Permutation tests were used to estimate differential change in the outcomes of interest in intervention neighborhoods versus control neighborhoods. The decline in the homicide rate was 66% greater in intervention neighborhoods than in control neighborhoods (rate ratio = 0.33, 95% confidence interval: 0.18, 0.61), and resident reports of violence decreased 75% more in intervention neighborhoods (odds ratio = 0.25, 95% confidence interval 0.11, 0.67). These results show that interventions in neighborhood physical infrastructure can reduce violence.
American journal of epidemiology 04/2012; 175(10):1045-53. · 5.59 Impact Factor
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ABSTRACT: This study compared the hypertension prevalence, awareness, treatment and control in Chicago, Illinois and Detroit, Michigan to that of the general United States population (aged > or = 25 years) for the period 2001-2003. We examined whether and how much 1) urban populations have less favorable hypertension-related outcomes and 2) the rates of racial/ethnic minorities lag behind those of Whites in order to determine if the national data understate the magnitude of hypertension-related outcomes and racial/ethnic disparities in two large cities in the Midwestern region of the United States and perhaps others.
Unstandardized and standardized hypertension-related outcome rates were estimated.
The hypertension-related outcomes among Chicago and Detroit residents lag behind the United States by 8%-14% and 10%-18% points, respectively. Additionally, this study highlights the complexity of the racial/ethnic differences in hypertension-related outcomes, where within each population, Blacks were more likely to have hypertension and to be aware of their hypertension status than Whites, and no less likely to be treated. Conversely, Hispanics were less likely to have hypertension and also less likely to be aware of their status when they do have hypertension when compared to Whites.
At a time when efficacious treatment for hypertension has been available for more than 50 years, continued racial/ethnic differences in the prevalence, awareness, treatment and control of hypertension is among public health's greatest challenges. To achieve the proposed national hypertension-related goals, future policies must consider the social context of hypertension within central cities of urban areas.
Ethnicity & disease 01/2012; 22(4):391-7. · 0.90 Impact Factor
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ABSTRACT: This study examines the role of neighborhood context in the accumulation of biological risk factors and racial/ethnic and socioeconomic disparities.
Data came from face-to-face interviews and blood sample collection on a probability sample of adults (n = 549) in the 2002 Chicago Community Adult Health Study. Following the approach of prior studies, we constructed an index of cumulative biological risk (CBR) by counting how many of eight biomarkers exceeded clinically defined criteria for "high risk": systolic and diastolic blood pressure, resting heart rate, hemoglobin A(1c), C-reactive protein, waist size, and total and high-density lipoprotein cholesterol. Data are presented as incidence rate ratios (IRRs) based on generalized linear models with a Poisson link function and population-average estimates with robust standard errors.
Non-Hispanic blacks (n = 200), Hispanics (n = 149), and people with low (n = 134) and moderate (n = 275) level of education had significantly higher numbers of biological risks than their respective reference groups (IRR = 1.48, 1.59, 1.62, and 1.48, respectively, with p < .01). Black-white (p < .001) and Hispanic-white (p < .003) disparities in CBR remained significant after adjusting for individual-level socioeconomic position and behavioral factors, whereas individual-level controls substantially diminished the low/high (p < .069) and moderate/high (p < .042) educational differences. Estimating "within-neighborhood" disparities to adjust for neighborhood context fully explained the black-white gap in CBR (p < .542) and reduced the Hispanic-white gap to borderline significance (p < .053). Neighborhood affluence predicted lower levels of CBR (IRR = 0.82, p < .027), but neighborhood disadvantage was not significantly associated with CBR (IRR = 1.00, p < .948).
Neighborhood environments seem to play a pivotal role in the accumulation of biological risk and disparities therein.
Psychosomatic Medicine 08/2011; 73(7):572-9. · 3.97 Impact Factor
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ABSTRACT: Existing research has found a positive association between cognitive function and residence in a socioeconomically advantaged neighbourhood. Yet, the mechanisms underlying this relationship have not been empirically investigated.
To test the hypothesis that neighbourhood socioeconomic structure is related to cognitive function partly through the availability of neighbourhood physical and social resources (eg, recreational facilities, community centres and libraries), which promote cognitively beneficial activities such as exercise and social integration.
Using data from a representative survey of community-dwelling adults in the city of Chicago (N=949 adults aged 50 and over), cognitive function was assessed with a modified version of the Telephone Interview for Cognitive Status instrument. Neighbourhood socioeconomic structure was derived from US census indicators. Systematic social observation was used to directly document the presence of neighbourhood resources on the blocks surrounding each respondent's residence.
Using multilevel linear regression, residence in an affluent neighbourhood had a net positive effect on cognitive function after adjusting for individual risk factors. For white respondents, the effects of neighbourhood affluence operated in part through a greater density of institutional resources (eg, community centres) that promote cognitively beneficial activities such as physical activity. Stable residence in an elderly neighbourhood was associated with higher cognitive function (potentially due to greater opportunities for social interaction with peers), but long term exposure to such neighbourhoods was negatively related to cognition.
Neighbourhood resources have the potential to promote 'cognitive reserve' for adults who are ageing in place in an urban setting.
Journal of epidemiology and community health 04/2011; 66(8):730-6. · 3.04 Impact Factor
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ABSTRACT: We investigated whether the conventional Spanish translation of the self-rated health survey question helps explain why Latinos' self-rated health is worse than Whites' despite more objective health measures showing them to be as healthy as or healthier than are Whites.
We analyzed the relationship between language of interview and self-rated health in the Chicago Community Adult Health Study (2001-2003) and the 2003 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System.
Being interviewed in Spanish was associated with significantly higher odds of rating health as fair or poor in both data sets. Moreover, adjusting for language of interview substantially reduced the gap between Whites and Latinos. Spanish-language interviewees were more likely to rate their health as fair (regular in Spanish) than as any other choice, and this preference was strongest when compared with categories representing better health (good, very good, and excellent).
Our findings suggest that translation of the English word "fair" to regular induces Spanish-language respondents to report poorer health than they would in English. Self-rated health should be interpreted with caution, especially in racial/ethnic comparisons, and research should explore alternative translations.
American Journal of Public Health 12/2010; 101(7):1306-13. · 3.93 Impact Factor
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ABSTRACT: There is a growing interest in understanding the effects of specific neighborhood conditions on psychological wellbeing. We examined cross-sectional associations of neighborhood stressors (perceived violence and disorder, physical decay and disorder) and social support (residential stability, family structure, social cohesion, reciprocal exchange, social ties) with depressive symptoms in 3105 adults in Chicago. Subjects lived in 343 neighborhood clusters, areas of about two census tracts. Depressive symptoms were assessed with an 11-item version of the Center for Epidemiologic Studies-Depression (CES-D) scale. Neighborhood variables were measured using rater assessments, surveys, and the US census. We used two-level gender-stratified models to estimate associations of neighborhood conditions with depressive symptoms after adjusting for individual-level covariates. Most social support variables were associated with lower levels of depressive symptoms in women but not men, while stressors were moderately associated with higher levels in all subjects. Adjusting concurrently for stressors and social support did not change results. This suggests both neighborhood stressors and social support are associated with depressive symptoms.
Health & Place 04/2010; 16(5):811-9. · 2.67 Impact Factor
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ABSTRACT: Studying the relation between the residential environment and health requires valid, reliable, and cost-effective methods to collect data on residential environments. This 2002 study compared the level of agreement between measures of the presence of neighborhood businesses drawn from 2 common sources of data used for research on the built environment and health: listings of businesses from commercial databases and direct observations of city blocks by raters. Kappa statistics were calculated for 6 types of businesses-drugstores, liquor stores, bars, convenience stores, restaurants, and grocers-located on 1,663 city blocks in Chicago, Illinois. Logistic regressions estimated whether disagreement between measurement methods was systematically correlated with the socioeconomic and demographic characteristics of neighborhoods. Levels of agreement between the 2 sources were relatively high, with significant (P < 0.001) kappa statistics for each business type ranging from 0.32 to 0.70. Most business types were more likely to be reported by direct observations than in the commercial database listings. Disagreement between the 2 sources was not significantly correlated with the socioeconomic and demographic characteristics of neighborhoods. Results suggest that researchers should have reasonable confidence using whichever method (or combination of methods) is most cost-effective and theoretically appropriate for their research design.
American journal of epidemiology 03/2010; 171(5):609-17. · 5.59 Impact Factor
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ABSTRACT: Research on the effects of the built environment in the pathway from impairment to disability has been largely absent. Using data from the Chicago Community Adult Health Study (2001-2003), the authors examined the effect of built environment characteristics on mobility disability among adults aged 45 or more years (n = 1,195) according to their level of lower extremity physical impairment. Built environment characteristics were assessed by using systematic social observation to independently rate street and sidewalk quality in the block surrounding each respondent's residence in the city of Chicago (Illinois). Using multinomial logistic regression, the authors found that street conditions had no effect on outdoor mobility among adults with only mild or no physical impairment. However, among adults with more severe impairment in neuromuscular and movement-related functions, the difference in the odd ratios for reporting severe mobility disability was over four times greater when at least one street was in fair or poor condition (characterized by cracks, potholes, or broken curbs). When all streets were in good condition, the odds of reporting mobility disability were attenuated in those with lower extremity impairment. If street quality could be improved, even somewhat, for those adults at greatest risk for disability in outdoor mobility, the disablement process could be slowed or even reversed.
American journal of epidemiology 10/2008; 168(5):506-13. · 5.59 Impact Factor
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ABSTRACT: : The goal of this study was to investigate cross-sectional associations between features of neighborhoods and hypertension and to examine the sensitivity of results to various methods of estimating neighborhood conditions.
: We used data from the Multi-Ethnic Study of Atherosclerosis on 2612 individuals 45-85 years of age. Hypertension was defined as systolic blood pressure above 140 mm Hg, diastolic pressure above 90 mm Hg, or use of antihypertensive medications. Neighborhood (census tract) conditions potentially related to hypertension (walking environment, availability of healthy foods, safety, social cohesion) were measured using information from a separate phone survey conducted in the study neighborhoods. For each neighborhood we estimated scale scores by aggregating residents' responses using simple aggregation (crude means) and empirical Bayes estimation (unconditional, conditional, and spatial). These estimates of neighborhood conditions were linked to each study participant based on the census tract of residence. Two-level binomial regression methods were used to estimate adjusted associations between neighborhood conditions and hypertension.
: Residents of neighborhoods with better walkability, availability of healthy foods, greater safety, and more social cohesion were less likely to be hypertensive (relative prevalence [95% confidence interval] for 90th vs. 10th percentile of conditional empirical Bayes estimate = 0.75 [0.64-0.88], 0.72 [0.61-0.85], 0.74 [0.63-0.86], and 0.69 [0.57-0.83]), respectively, after adjusting for site, age, sex, income, and education. Associations were attenuated and often disappeared after additional adjustments for race/ethnicity.
: Neighborhood walkability, food availability, safety, and social cohesion may be mechanisms that link neighborhoods to hypertension.
Epidemiology (Cambridge, Mass.) 08/2008; 19(4):590-8. · 5.51 Impact Factor
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ABSTRACT: The spatial segregation of the US population by socioeconomic position and especially race/ethnicity suggests that the social contexts or "neighborhoods" in which people live may substantially contribute to social disparities in hypertension. The Chicago Community Adult Health Study did face-to-face interviews, including direct measurement of blood pressure, with a representative probability sample of adults in Chicago. These data were used to estimate socioeconomic and racial-ethnic disparities in the prevalence, awareness, treatment, and control of hypertension, and to analyze how these disparities are related to the areas in which people live. Hypertension was significantly negatively associated with neighborhood affluence/gentrification, and adjustments for context eliminated the highly significant disparity between blacks/African-Americans and whites, and reduced the significant educational disparity by 10-15% to borderline statistical significance. Awareness of hypertension was significantly higher in more disadvantaged neighborhoods and in places with higher concentrations of blacks (and lower concentrations of Hispanics and immigrants). Adjustment for context completely eliminated blacks' greater awareness, but slightly accentuated the lesser awareness of Hispanics and the greater levels of awareness among the less educated. There was no consistent evidence of either social disparities in or contextual associations with treatment of hypertension, given awareness. Among those on medication, blacks were only 40-50% as likely as whites to have their hypertension controlled, but context played little or no role in either the level of or disparities in control of hypertension. In sum, residential contexts potentially play a large role in accounting for racial/ethnic and, to a lesser degree, socioeconomic disparities in hypertension prevalence and, in a different way, awareness, but not in treatment or control of diagnosed hypertension.
Social Science [?] Medicine 12/2007; 65(9):1853-66. · 2.70 Impact Factor
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ABSTRACT: Most studies examining the relation between residential environment and health have used census-derived measures of neighborhood socioeconomic position (SEP). There is a need to identify specific features of neighborhoods relevant to disease risk, but few measures of these features exist, and their measurement properties are understudied. In this paper, the authors 1) develop measures (scales) of neighborhood environment that are important in cardiovascular disease risk, 2) assess the psychometric and ecometric properties of these measures, and 3) examine individual- and neighborhood-level predictors of these measures. In 2004, data on neighborhood conditions were collected from a telephone survey of 5,988 residents at three US study sites (Baltimore, Maryland; Forsyth County, North Carolina; and New York, New York). Information collected covered seven dimensions of neighborhood environment (aesthetic quality, walking environment, availability of healthy foods, safety, violence, social cohesion, and activities with neighbors). Neighborhoods were defined as census tracts or census clusters. Cronbach's alpha coefficient ranged from 0.73 to 0.83, with test-retest reliabilities of 0.60-0.88. Intraneighborhood correlations were 0.28-0.51, and neighborhood reliabilities were 0.64-0.78 for census tracts for most scales. The neighborhood scales were strongly associated with neighborhood SEP but also provided information distinct from neighborhood SEP. These results illustrate a methodological approach for assessing the measurement properties of neighborhood-level constructs and show that these constructs can be measured reliably.
American Journal of Epidemiology 05/2007; 165(8):858-67. · 5.22 Impact Factor
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Jeffrey D Morenoff
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ABSTRACT: This study addresses two questions about why neighborhood contexts matter for individuals via a multilevel, spatial analysis of birthweight for 101,662 live births within 342 Chicago neighborhoods. First, what are the mechanisms through which neighborhood structural composition is related to health? The results show that mechanisms related to stress and adaptation (violent crime, reciprocal exchange and participation in local voluntary associations) are the most robust neighborhood-level predictors of birth weight. Second, are contextual influences on health limited to the immediate neighborhood or do they extend to a wider geographic context? The results show that contextual effects on birth weight extend to the social environment beyond the immediate neighborhood, even after adjusting for potentially confounding covariates. These findings suggest that the theoretical understanding and empirical estimation of 'neighborhood effects' on health are bolstered by collecting data on more causally proximate social processes and by taking into account spatial interdependencies among neighborhoods.
American Journal of Sociology 04/2003; 108(5):976-1017. · 3.17 Impact Factor
