Dorie Apollonio

University of California, San Francisco, San Francisco, California, United States

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Publications (24)28.99 Total impact

  • Dorie E. Apollonio, Stanton A. Glantz, Lisa A. Bero
    Social Science & Medicine 07/2014; 113:183. DOI:10.1016/j.socscimed.2014.05.013 · 2.56 Impact Factor
  • Dorie E. Apollonio, Stanton A. Glantz, Lisa A. Bero
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    ABSTRACT: In the 1990s several American states passed term limits on legislators with the stated intention of reducing the influence of wealthy industries on career legislators. Although term limits in the United States do not have a direct relationship to public health, the tobacco industry anticipated that term limits could have indirect effects by either limiting or expanding industry influence. We detail the strategy of the tobacco industry in the wake of term limits using internal tobacco company documents and a database of campaign contributions made to legislators in term limited states between 1988 and 2002. Despite some expectations that term limits would limit tobacco industry access to state legislators, term limits appear to have had the opposite effect.
    Social Science [?] Medicine 03/2014; 104:1–5. DOI:10.1016/j.socscimed.2013.11.005 · 2.56 Impact Factor
  • Dorie Apollonio, Todd Lochner, Myriah Heddens
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    ABSTRACT: Immigration has become an increasingly salient national issue in the US, and the Department of Justice recently increased federal efforts to prosecute immigration offenses. This shift, however, relies on the cooperation of US attorneys and their assistants. Traditionally federal prosecutors have enjoyed enormous discretion and have been responsive to local concerns. To consider how the centralized goal of immigration enforcement may have influenced federal prosecutors in regional offices, we review their prosecution of immigration offenses in California using over a decade’s worth of data. Our findings suggest that although centralizing forces influence immigration prosecutions, individual US attorneys’ offices retain distinct characteristics. Local factors influence federal prosecutors’ behavior in different ways depending on the office. Contrary to expectations, unemployment rates did not affect prosecutors’ willingness to pursue immigration offenses, nor did local popular opinion about illegal immigration.
    California Journal of Politics and Policy 01/2013; 5(2). DOI:10.1515/cjpp-2012-0041
  • Dorie Apollonio, Rose Philipps, Lisa Bero
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    ABSTRACT: This is the protocol for a review and there is no abstract. The objectives are as follows: To evaluate the effectiveness of tobacco cessation therapy offered concurrently with treatment for drug and alcohol addiction.
    Cohrane Database of Systematic Reviews 12/2012; 12:1-10. DOI:10.1002/14651858.CD010274
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    Dorie E Apollonio, Ruth E Malone
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    ABSTRACT: The "We Card" program is the most ubiquitous tobacco industry "youth smoking prevention" program in the United States, and its retailer materials have been copied in other countries. The program's effectiveness has been questioned, but no previous studies have examined its development, goals, and uses from the tobacco industry's perspective. On the basis of our analysis of tobacco industry documents released under the 1998 Master Settlement Agreement, we concluded that the We Card program was undertaken for 2 primary purposes: to improve the tobacco industry's image and to reduce regulation and the enforcement of existing laws. Policymakers should be cautious about accepting industry self-regulation at face value, both because it redounds to the industry's benefit and because it is ineffective.
    American Journal of Public Health 07/2010; 100(7):1188-201. DOI:10.2105/AJPH.2009.169573 · 4.23 Impact Factor
  • Lisa Bero, Dorie Apollonio
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    ABSTRACT: Scientific research has been increasingly involved in justifying public health policy changes relating to the use and taxation of tobacco, alcohol, pharmaceuticals, and food. In response, industries selling such products have developed research programs intended to prove they pose limited public health risks. Such research has historically been likely to find results palatable to funders, spurring intensive research regarding how financial conflicts of interest influence research findings. However, little research has considered whether this conflicted research is effective in shifting popular perceptions about what constitutes public health risks. We investigate how research on tobacco and pharmaceuticals is perceived relative to other public health risks in the context of eight training workshops designed to improve the understanding of scientific research. Workshops focus on the critical appraisal of research findings, including a discussion of what constitutes bias in research, and enroll 20-30 clinicians, consumer advocates, journalists, or parents of school-age children in each session. The workshop curriculum presents and critiques research studies. We analyze transcripts of the sessions for content regarding initial perceptions of health risks and assessments of credibility, and the extent to which beliefs change in the course of the workshop. Our findings suggest the extent to which conflicted research is embedded in popular perceptions of health risks.
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    Dorie E Apollonio, Lisa A Bero
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    ABSTRACT: We sought to identify factors that affect the passage of public health legislation by examining the use of arguments, particularly arguments presenting research evidence, in legislative debates regarding workplace smoking restrictions. We conducted a case-study based content analysis of legislative materials used in the development of six state workplace smoking laws, including written and spoken testimony and the text of proposed and passed bills and amendments. We coded testimony given before legislators for arguments used, and identified the institutional affiliations of presenters and their position on the legislation. We compared patterns in the arguments made in testimony to the relative strength of each state's final legislation. Greater discussion of scientific evidence within testimony given was associated with the passage of workplace smoking legislation that provided greater protection for public health, regardless of whether supporters outnumbered opponents or vice versa. Our findings suggest that an emphasis on scientific discourse, relative to other arguments made in legislative testimony, might help produce political outcomes that favor public health.
    BMC Public Health 07/2009; 9:189. DOI:10.1186/1471-2458-9-189 · 2.32 Impact Factor
  • Peggy Lopipero, Dorie E. Apollonio, Lisa A. Bero
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    ABSTRACT: Discuss the efforts of the tobacco industry to prevent the passage of airline smoking restrictions. They find that interest groups and lobbyists do not necessarily feel obligated to provide accurate information and that competing interest groups may not be able to prevent this misrepresentation.
    Political Science Quarterly 11/2008; 122(4):635-656. DOI:10.2307/20202930 · 0.44 Impact Factor
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    D E Apollonio, R E Malone
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    ABSTRACT: Literature suggests that 'negative advertising' is an effective way to encourage behavioral changes, but it has enjoyed limited use in public health media campaigns. However, as public health increasingly focuses on non-communicable disease prevention, negative advertising could be more widely applied. This analysis considers an illustrative case from tobacco control. Relying on internal tobacco industry documents, surveys and experimental data and drawing from political advocacy literature, we describe tobacco industry and public health research on the American Legacy Foundation's "truth" campaign, an example of effective negative advertising in the service of public health. The tobacco industry determined that the most effective advertisements run by Legacy's "truth" campaign were negative advertisements. Although the tobacco industry's own research suggested that these negative ads identified and effectively reframed the cigarette as a harmful consumer product rather than focusing solely on tobacco companies, Philip Morris accused Legacy of 'vilifying' it. Public health researchers have demonstrated the effectiveness of the "truth" campaign in reducing smoking initiation. Research on political advocacy demonstrating the value of negative advertising has rarely been used in the development of public health media campaigns, but negative advertising can effectively communicate certain public health messages and serve to counter corporate disease promotion.
    Health Education Research 11/2008; 24(3):483-95. DOI:10.1093/her/cyn046 · 1.66 Impact Factor
  • Dorie E. Apollonio
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    ABSTRACT: In this study we analyze recent tobacco industry youth smoking prevention efforts to demonstrate corporate social responsibility. In the wake of successful tobacco control initiatives, tobacco companies have developed widely-publicized efforts to control the distribution of cigarettes and information about smoking. Many tobacco control advocates have suggested these industry efforts were developed to forestall more effective policies. Using tobacco industry documents released as part of the 1998 Master Settlement Agreement (MSA), we review the development and use of two programs developed in the wake of the MSA. We analyzed the documents iteratively to produce these linked case studies. In keeping with research on self-regulation drawn from economics, we find that these programs were extensively focus group-tested to improve the image of the tobacco industry, and drew much of their success by co-opting the reputations of independent organizations such as the National Institutes of Health. Industry appraisals suggest that these efforts have been successful in improving the image of tobacco companies and reducing the perceived need for additional regulation of tobacco. Our findings suggest that policymakers should be cautious about accepting self-regulatory behavior from industry at face value, both because it rebounds to the benefit of its sponsors and because it is far less effective than is socially optimal.
    136st APHA Annual Meeting and Exposition 2008; 10/2008
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    Todd Lochner, Dorie Apollonio, Rhett Tatum
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    ABSTRACT: Regulatory theory suggests that providing agencies with multiple sanctioning options allows them to dispose promptly of less serious matters and thereby conserve resources to pursue serious offenders. However, agencies dependent on third-party monitoring may have their enforcement agendas skewed toward more trivial violations. We consider these competing expectations by analyzing enforcement actions at the US Federal Election Commission (FEC) from 1999 to 2004. The FEC – an agency heavily dependent on third-party monitoring – expanded its enforcement options in 2000 by creating two new programs to pursue low-level offenders, while leaving its monitoring strategy unchanged. We hypothesized that more sanctioning options would allow the FEC to allocate its resources more efficiently, and thus deal more effectively with the skew created by third-party monitoring. We found instead that although the FEC disposed more promptly of low-level infractions, it was no more effective at focusing on serious violations. Our results suggest that for many agencies, expanding enforcement options without addressing monitoring has limited ability to resolve enforcement problems.
    Regulation & Governance 06/2008; 2(2):216-233. DOI:10.1111/j.1748-5991.2008.00035.x · 1.47 Impact Factor
  • Dorie E. Apollonio, Ruth Malone
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    ABSTRACT: Objectives. Describe the tobacco industry's relationships with and influence on homeless, mentally ill, and injection drug using smokers, and organizations providing services to them. Methods. We analyze internal tobacco industry documents and journal articles. Results. The tobacco industry has marketed cigarettes to the homeless, seriously mentally ill, and recovering injection drug users, part of its "downscale" market, and has developed relationships with homeless shelters, treatment centers, and advocacy groups for these populations, gaining positive media coverage and political support. Discussion. Tobacco control advocates and public health organizations should consider how to target programs to marginalized individuals. Education of service providers about tobacco industry efforts to cultivate this market may help in reducing smoking in these populations.
    135st APHA Annual Meeting and Exposition 2007; 11/2007
  • D. E. Apollonio, L. A. Bero
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    ABSTRACT: We consider how industries use front groups to combat public health measures by relating the history of “Get Government Off Our Back”, a coalition created by the tobacco industry to fight government regulation. Using tobacco industry documents, contemporaneous media reports, journal articles, and press releases, we review the establishment by RJ Reynolds of an industry front group, Get Government Off Our Back (GGOOB) in 1994. The group’s goal was to advocate against U.S. federal regulation of tobacco. By keeping its involvement secret, RJ Reynolds was able to draw public and legislative support toward limiting government regulation of tobacco without having to address the tobacco industry’s reputation for misrepresenting evidence. Unfortunately, the tobacco industry”s use of front groups is not unique; other industries use front groups to fight measures designed to protect public health. Research on the background and funding of advocacy organizations could help identify industry front groups and make them less useful to their creators.
    Journal für Verbraucherschutz und Lebensmittelsicherheit 07/2007; 2(3):341-348. DOI:10.1007/s00003-007-0205-8 · 0.71 Impact Factor
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    Dorie E Apollonio, Lisa A Bero
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    ABSTRACT: We investigated how industries use front groups to combat public health measures by analyzing tobacco industry documents, contemporaneous media reports, journal articles, and press releases regarding "Get Government Off Our Back," a coalition created by the tobacco industry. RJ Reynolds created Get Government Off Our Back in 1994 to fight federal regulation of tobacco. By keeping its involvement secret, RJ Reynolds was able to draw public and legislative support and to avoid the tobacco industry reputation for misrepresenting evidence. The tobacco industry is not unique in its creation of such groups. Research on organizational background and funding could identify other industry front groups. Those who seek to establish measures to protect public health should be prepared to counter the argument that government should not regulate private behavior.
    American Journal of Public Health 04/2007; 97(3):419-27. DOI:10.2105/AJPH.2005.081117 · 4.23 Impact Factor
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    Dorie E Apollonio, Peggy Lopipero, Lisa A Bero
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    ABSTRACT: In this paper we review the relationship between participation in legislative hearings, the use of ideological arguments, and the strength of public health legislation using a theoretical construct proposed by E. E. Schattschneider in 1960. Schattschneider argued that the breadth and types of participation in a political discussion could change political outcomes. We test Schattschneider's argument empirically by reviewing the efforts of six states to pass Clean Indoor Air Acts by coding testimony given before legislators, comparing these findings to the different characteristics of each state's political process and the ultimate strength of each state's legislation. We find that although greater participation is associated with stronger legislation, there is no clear relationship between the use and type of ideological arguments and eventual outcomes. These findings offer validation of a long-standing theory about the importance of political participation, and suggest strategies for public health advocates seeking to establish new legislation.
    Health Research Policy and Systems 02/2007; 5:12. DOI:10.1186/1478-4505-5-12 · 1.86 Impact Factor
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    D. E. Apollonio, Raymond J. La Raja
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    ABSTRACT: Using campaign contributions to legislators as an indicator of member influence, we explore the impact of term limits on the distribution of power within state legislatures. Specifically, we perform a cross-state comparison of the relative influence of party caucus leaders, committee chairs, and rank-and-file legislators before and after term limits. The results indicate that term limits diffuse power in state legislatures, both by decreasing average contributions to incumbents and by reducing the power of party caucus leaders relative to other members. The change in contribution levels across legislators in different chambers implies a shift in power to the upper chamber in states with term limits. Thus, the impact of term limits may be attenuated in a bicameral system.
    05/2006; 31(2):259-281. DOI:10.3162/036298006X201805
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    D E Apollonio, R E Malone
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    ABSTRACT: To describe the tobacco industry's relationships with and influence on homeless and mentally ill smokers and organisations providing services to them. Analysis of internal tobacco industry documents and journal articles. The tobacco industry has marketed cigarettes to the homeless and seriously mentally ill, part of its "downscale" market, and has developed relationships with homeless shelters and advocacy groups, gaining positive media coverage and political support. Tobacco control advocates and public health organisations should consider how to target programmes to homeless and seriously mentally ill individuals. Education of service providers about tobacco industry efforts to cultivate this market may help in reducing smoking in these populations.
    Tobacco control 01/2006; 14(6):409-15. DOI:10.1136/tc.2005.011890 · 5.15 Impact Factor
  • Dorie E. Apollonio, Margaret A. Carne
    Election Law Journal 07/2005; 4(3):178-190. DOI:10.1089/elj.2005.4.178
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    D. E. Apollonio
    The Forum 01/2005; 3(3). DOI:10.2202/1540-8884.1097 · 0.33 Impact Factor
  • D. E. Apollonio, Raymond J. La Raja
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    ABSTRACT: We consider the effect of various organizational resources on political contributions. Using a unique data set of soft money contributors from 1997 to 1998, our resource-based model examines how capital, membership, and experience influence the decision to give money to political parties. By observing decision making in a relatively unconstrained regulatory environment typified by the soft money regime, we demonstrate the conventional wisdom that financial resources determine the size of political contributions. Financial wealth, however, does not predict whether an organization will make a contribution in the first place. Instead, we show that a lack of alternative resources makes it more likely that organizations will spend money on politics. These findings have important implications for determining who benefits under various campaign finance rules.
    The Journal of Politics 10/2004; 66(4):1134 - 1154. DOI:10.1111/j.0022-3816.2004.00293.x · 1.48 Impact Factor

Publication Stats

172 Citations
28.99 Total Impact Points

Institutions

  • 2004–2014
    • University of California, San Francisco
      • Department of Clinical Pharmacy
      San Francisco, California, United States