Article

The Gender Similarities Hypothesis.

University of Wisconsin--Madison, Department of Psychology, Madison, WI 53706, USA.
American Psychologist (Impact Factor: 6.87). 10/2005; 60(6):581-92. DOI: 10.1037/0003-066X.60.6.581
Source: PubMed

ABSTRACT The differences model, which argues that males and females are vastly different psychologically, dominates the popular media. Here, the author advances a very different view, the gender similarities hypothesis, which holds that males and females are similar on most, but not all, psychological variables. Results from a review of 46 meta-analyses support the gender similarities hypothesis. Gender differences can vary substantially in magnitude at different ages and depend on the context in which measurement occurs. Overinflated claims of gender differences carry substantial costs in areas such as the workplace and relationships.

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    • "We find 1.85 % boys above 99.percentile, but only 0.90 % women, i.e. twice as few (Hyde et al., 2005). Since it is problematic to attribute these results to nature (inborn predispositions) literature, which tries to explain differences in variance and in real choices of learning and job trajectories, turns our attention from cognitive predispositions to identification with mathematics and to the structure of motivations to learn mathematics (e.g.. Keller, 2007, Gallagher & Kaufman, 2005). "
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    ABSTRACT: Previous research has showed that school achievements depend on studentś motivation and identification (Zimmerman, 2000). There are some differences between girls and boys beliefs about mathematics (Gallagher & Kaufman, 2005). We still do not have enough information about relations between identification and gender beliefs and about the impact of those two areas on real knowledge. The paper presents new research on academic achievements and attitudes of girls and boys in mathematics. The basic aim is to test whether there is a correlation between mathematical knowledge/performance, identification with mathematics and gender schemas. The study involved 436 boys and girls who were divided into two age groups – 10 or 11 years old and 14 or 15 years old. Data were collected using a questionnaire focusing both on identification with math, and on gender schemas. The second source of data was a didactic test with 10 or 12 math items from TIMSS. In all three areas (identification with math, gender schemas, didactic test), average scores were calculated. Correlations between scores were identified. Differences concerning gender and age were examined. Results show that boys and girls reach similar test scores and have similar identification with math. Gender beliefs about mathematics were pretty strong and got stronger for boys and the older group. As children get older, differences between boys and girls increase as does heterogeneity within each group. However, the relationship between performance, beliefs and identification is low, except for the group of older boys. The paper discusses some more results and recommendations for math schooling from psychological perspective.
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    • "This objection appears to have little merit with respect to our study. One reason this objection is weak is that the sex differences in competitiveness and training volume we found (ds ∼ 0.50; see Table 1) are comparable in magnitude to those typically found in social psychology as a whole (d = 0.45) and about twice as large as those typically reported for studies of sex differences (d = 0.26; Richard, Bond & Stokes-Zoota, 2003; see also, Hyde, 2005). We also note that the sex differences in competitiveness and training volume varied substantially across performance quartiles (Table 2 and Fig. 2) and athletic divisions (Fig. 4), as expected by definitions of competitiveness (Gill & Deeter, 1988; Masters, Ogles & Jolton, 1993). "
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    ABSTRACT: Sex differences in some preferences and motivations are well established, but it is unclear whether they persist in selective sub-populations, such as expert financial decision makers, top scientists, or elite athletes. We addressed this issue by studying competitiveness in 1,147 varsity intercollegiate distance runners. As expected, across all runners, men reported greater competitiveness with two previously validated instruments , greater competitiveness on a new elite competitiveness scale, and greater training volume, a known correlate of competitiveness. Among faster runners, the sex difference decreased for one measure of competitiveness but did not decrease for the two other competitiveness measures or either measure of training volume. Across NCAA athletic divisions (DI, DII, DIII), the sex difference did not decrease for any competitiveness or training measure. Further analyses showed that these sex differences could not be attributed to women suffering more injuries or facing greater childcare responsibilities. However, women did report greater commitment than men to their academic studies, suggesting a sex difference in priorities. Therefore, policies aiming to provide men and women with equal opportunities to flourish should acknowledge that sex differences in some kinds of preferences and motivation may persist even in selective sub-populations.
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    • "It is worth comparing the size of these effects to those found in other meta-analyses. Hyde (2005) classified the effect sizes of gender differences in 124 meta-analyses in terms of five categories: close-to-zero (d ≤ 0.10), small (0.11 < d < 0.35), moderate (0.36 < d < 0.65), large (0.66 < d < 1.00), and very large (d > 1.00). According to this rubric, gender differences in utilitarian inclinations fall just below the benchmark for the small category. "
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