Assessing Relationship Quality in Mandated Community Treatment: Blending Care With Control

Department of Psychology and Social Behavior, University of California, Irvine, CA 92697-7083, USA.
Psychological Assessment (Impact Factor: 2.99). 01/2008; 19(4):397-410. DOI: 10.1037/1040-3590.19.4.397
Source: PubMed


Traditional measures of the therapeutic alliance do not capture the dual roles inherent in relationships with involuntary clients. Providers not only care for, but also have control over, involuntary clients. In 2 studies of probationers mandated to psychiatric treatment (n=90; n=322), the authors developed and validated the revised Dual-Role Relationships Inventory (DRI-R). The authors found that (a) relationship quality in mandated treatment involves caring and fairness, trust, and an authoritative (not authoritarian) style, (b) the DRI-R assesses these domains of relationship quality, is internally consistent, and relates in a theoretically coherent pattern with ratings of within-session behavior and with measures of the therapeutic alliance, relationship satisfaction, symptoms, and treatment motivation, and (c) the quality of dual-role relationships predicts future compliance with the rules, as assessed by probation violations and revocation. The DRI-R covaries with multiple domains more strongly than a leading measure of the therapeutic alliance, suggesting that it better captures the nature and effect of relationship quality in mandated treatment.

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    • "caring relationship with offenders, the more likely it is that the offender will avoid recidivism (Kennealy at el., 2012; Skeem et al., 2007). To the extent to which officers respond more harshly to offenders with mental disorder either out of frustration (see Skeem, Encandela, & Eno Louden, 2003), these offenders may be disproportionately more likely to return to custody. "
    The Sequential Intercept Model and criminal justice: Promoting community alternatives for individuals with serious mental illness, 01/2015;
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    • "These placements may exacerbate a traumatic or stress response because of the stress related to prolonged confinement (Ford et al., 2007). Thus, approaches to enforcement based on problem solving, incentivizing behavior, counseling , and persuasion may be more helpful for these youths than confrontation and negative pressure (Skeem, Louden, Polaschek, & Camp, 2007; Vidal & Skeem, 2007). "
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    ABSTRACT: This study examines how probation officen' (POs) knowledge of juveniles' trauma influ-ences probation practices. The study was conducted with POs who responded to a Web-based survey (« = 308). The POs were directed to randomly select one juvenile from their caseload and to complete the Probation Practices Assessment Survey to assess their knowl-edge of the youth's lifetime trauma and past-year stressful life experience and their practice approaches. Nineteen percent of youths were reported as having had lifetime exposure to at least one type of trauma (for example, physical assault, sexual assault, witness violent death). The most common traumatic experience was sexual assault, with 11% of POs re-porting this experience among the study youths. Structural equation modeling results in-dicated that POs' knowledge of cumulative exposure to trauma is associated with treatment-oriented probation and counseling approaches. Results of this study signal the importance of carefol assessments of exposure to trauma and stressflil life events among youths on probation. The use of specialized trauma-informed assessment strategies also are recommended to increase the sensitivity of juvenile justice programs to trauma. KEY WORDS; adolescents; juvenile justice; probation; stressful life events; trauma E vidence suggests that youths who have been exposed to trauma and stressful life events are at an elevated risk of juvenile delinquency and juvenue justice involvement (Ford, Chapman, Mack, & Peanon, 2006; Widom, 1989). Traumatic experiences, such as being a victim of or witness to violence, have been linked to juvenile delinquency (Maschi, 2006; Widom, 1989). Traumatic experiences often are described as extreme Stressors that involve the threat of or actual serious physical or psychological harm to oneself or significant others, such as family members or close friends (Piotrkowski & Brannen, 2002). Exposure to trauma may result in posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) for some youths (American Psychiatric Association, 2000; Arroyo, 2001). Studies have es-timated up to 93% of youths in the juvenue justice system have histories of trauma, whereas upwards of 18% are diagnosed with PTSD (Abram et al., 2004; Crimmins, Cleary, Brown-stein, Spunt, & Warley, 2000). Stressful life events, such as the death of a loved one and family and school problems, also have been linked to juvenue dehnquency (Maschi, 2006; Thompson, Maccio, Desselle, & Zittel-Palamara, 2007). Compared with trauma, stressful hfe events more commonly tax the adap-tive capacities of individuals and cause distress or concern in most people (Piotrkowski, 1998). In response to stressfril life events, youths may mani-fest their distress in many ways, including psycho-logical, emotional, and behavioral problems, including juvenile delinquency (Hofihian & Cerbone, 1999; Maschi, 2006). Youths who are exposed to traumatic or stress-ful experiences are at higher risk of developing adverse emotional and psychological consequences (for example, affect dysregulation and hyperarous-al), which in turn interfere with problem solving and interpersonal frjnctioning (Ford, Chapman, Hawke, & Albert, 2007; Potter & Jenson, 2007; Vermeiron, 2003). Moreover, exposure to trauma and stressful life events challenge youths' coping resources and are associated with a variety of nega-tive developmental outcomes in addition to delin-quency, including alcohol and drug abuse (Maschi, 2006; Thomberry, Ireland, & Smith, 2001; Vermeiron, 2003). The high rates of trauma exposure among youths in the juvenile justice doi: 1O.lO93/swr/svsOO7 O 2012 National Association of Social Workers 21 system have led to caUs for the development of trauma-informed juvenile justice interventions to improve the treatment of this high-risk population (Ford et al., 2007; Ko et al., 2008). Because a majority of youths legally considered delinquent have been sentenced to probation by a court (Snyder & Sickmund, 2006), probation pro-grams are a key point of contact for many youths 'who have experienced trauma or stressful life events. Yet few scholars have examined the impact of probation officers (POs) on this popula-tion. Empirical research on the assessment and in-tervention strategies used by POs with these youths is needed for ongoing efforts to establish a trauma-informed system of care (BartoUas & Miller, 2005; Ford et al., 2007; Ko et al., 2008). Thus, this study explored how POs intervene 'with juveniles with histories of trauma and life event Stressors. Specifically, the study examined POs' level of knowledge of traumatic and stressful Ufe experiences among the youths on their case-loads and how their knowledge of trauma influ-enced the probation interventions.
    Social work research 07/2012; 36(1). DOI:10.1093/swr/svs007 · 0.88 Impact Factor
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    • "Data were collected by Skeem et al. (2007), who describe the basic study method in detail. "
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    ABSTRACT: As the correctional population continues to increase, probation agencies struggle to adequately supervise offenders with unique needs, including those with mental disorder. Although more than 100 U.S. probation agencies have implemented specialty mental health case-loads, little is known about their practices. Based on detailed observations of 83 audio-taped meetings, we examined interactions between probationers and officers in a prototypic specialty agency, focusing on the extent to which practices comport with evidence-based risk reduction principles. We found that specialty officers (a) more frequently discussed probationers' general mental health than any individual criminogenic need, (b) chiefly questioned, directed, affirmed, and supported (rather than confronted) probationers, and (c) relied more heavily on neutral strategies and positive pressures (e.g., inducements) rather than negative pressures (e.g., threats of incarceration) to monitor and enforce compliance. Implications for "what works" to promote community integration for probationers with mental disorder are discussed.
    Law and Human Behavior 04/2012; 36(2):109-19. DOI:10.1037/h0093961 · 2.16 Impact Factor
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