The Reliability of Survey Attitude Measurement
ABSTRACT Several theoretical hypotheses are developed concerning the relation of question and respondent characteristics to the reliability of survey attitude measurement. To test these hypotheses, reliability is estimated for 96 survey attitude measures using data from five, 3-wave national reinterview surveys-three Michigan Election Panel Surveys and two reinterview studies conducted by the General Social Survey. As hypothesized, a number of attributes of questions are linked to estimated reliability. Attitude questions with more response options tended to have higher reliabilities, although there are some important exceptions. More extensive verbal labeling of numbered response options was found to be associated with higher reliability, but questions explicitly offering a “don't know” alternative were not found to be more reliable. Question characteristics were confounded to an unknown degree with topic differences of questions, which were significantly linked to reliability, leaving the influence of question characteristics on reliability somewhat ambiguous. Characteristics of respondents were also found to be related to levels of reliability. Older respondents and those with less schooling provided the least reliable attitude reports. These results are discussed within a general framework for the consideration of survey errors and their sources. Peer Reviewed http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/68969/2/10.1177_0049124191020001005.pdf
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ABSTRACT: This paper develops a way of thinking about and measuring private ideology by applying research on attitude formation to the measurement of political ideology. The measure, called FILTER, is widely generalizable to the study of political elites in and out of government, within and across countries. Application of this belief formation model of political ideology avoids several measurement problems that afflict commonly used action-based measures of public ideology. The method can be used to estimate the personal political preferences of politicians whose preferences are either not directly observable, or those who may be punished for making their preferences public. The method is applied to generate estimates for the 107th US Senate.Journal of Political Ideologies 10/2006; 11(3):309-334.
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ABSTRACT: Whether or not mothers, who often struggle with balancing work and parenting responsibilities, perceive that they face career harm in exchange for control over flexible work options at their jobs is an unanswered question. Using 2009 original data from a random-digit-dial telephone survey of 441 mothers located across the United States, this study focuses on how control over two latent variables measuring flexibility, flexible work arrangements (such as scheduling and place of work) and time-off options, influences mothers' career harm perceptions in a total of three work domains: (1) wages/earnings, (2) raises or promotions, and (3) job evaluations. We find perceptions of career harm among only one-fifth of mothers; in addition, control over time-off options reduced perceived career damage related to parenting duties. Mothers may have less to fear than previously hypothesized about the potential sacrifices they have to make when they have significant control over certain flexibility options.Sociological Quarterly 12/2013; · 1.14 Impact Factor