Response of Southeast Asian Muslims to the increasingly globalized world: discourse and action

Abstract

Having itself grown out of a global orientation, Islam in Southeast Asia has gone global since its inception. Southeast Asian Muslims always welcome and participate in the globalized world, even though they are vigilant to the origin and aim of global action and design. Historically Southeast Asian Muslims faced globalization and colonialism with responsible criticism. Islam has found two major support-bases for its translation in Southeast Asia: the state and the autonomous religious leaders. With the increasing sophistication and penetration of Western colonialism, modern Muslim organizations gradually have taken over the social role of the defunct indigenous states and other institutions. Southeast Asian Muslims have shown their moral vision of the globalized world and their design to achieve it. In this article, emphasis is given to major trends in spirituality centered movement among Southeast Asian Muslims as represented by mass organizations, the reformed traditional institutions, and the more pronounced social movements in the region. Despite the fact that the state's hegemony and the ever presence of the shari'a at times interfere with and color the activities of these movements, they have undeniably demonstrated the viability and potential of spirituality centered movement in reshaping the rapidly changing and more globalized world of today.

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HAOL, Núm. 5 (Otoño, 2004), 103-111 ISSN 1696-2060
© Historia Actual Online 2004
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RESPONSE OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN MUSLIMS TO THE
INCREASINGLY GLOBALIZED WORLD: DISCOURSE
AND ACTION

Iik Arifin Mansurnoor
Universiti Brunei-Darussalam, Brunei-Darussalam. E-mail: arifin@fass.ubd.edu.bn

Recibido: 11 Julio 2004 / Revisado: 13 Agosto 2004 / Aceptado: 12 Septiembre 2004 / Publicado: 15 Octubre 2004


Resumen: Having itself grown out of a global
orientation, Islam in Southeast Asia has gone
global since its inception. Southeast Asian
Muslims always welcome and participate in the
globalized world, even though they are vigilant
to the origin and aim of global action and
design. Historically Southeast Asian Muslims
faced globalization and colonialism with
responsible criticism. Islam has found two major
support-bases for its translation in Southeast
Asia: the state and the autonomous religious
leaders. With the increasing sophistication and
penetration of Western colonialism, modern
Muslim organizations gradually have taken over
the social role of the defunct indigenous states
and other institutions. Southeast Asian Muslims
have shown their moral vision of the globalized
world and their design to achieve it. In this
article, emphasis is given to major trends in
spirituality centered movement among Southeast
Asian Muslims as represented by mass
organizations, the reformed traditional
institutions, and the more pronounced social
movements in the region. Despite the fact that
the state's hegemony and the ever presence of
the shari'a at times interfere with and color the
activities of these movements, they have
undeniably demonstrated the viability and
potential of spirituality centered movement in
reshaping the rapidly changing and more
globalized world of today.
Palabras Clave: action, globalized world,
increasingly, muslims, Southeast Asian.
______________________
"It is a large world; its inhabitants form a large
community; Islam is in every sense a great affair. The
Muslim in Lahore, or in Samarqand or Kano, does not
feel isolated, but is vividly conscious of belonging to a
living community spread across the globe"
(Wilfred C. Smith, On Understanding Islam)*
aving itself grown out of a global
orientation, Islam in Southeast Asia has
gone global since
Southeast Asian Muslims always welcome and
participate in the globalized world. What they,
based on the pristine teaching of Islam on social
responsibility, are critical to is closely related
more to the origin and aim of global action and
design.
its inception.
Historically Southeast Asian Muslims faced
globalization of colonialism with responsible
criticism. Muslims continue to work for, in
particular, morally correct global relations and
exchange. As early as the 13th century, indeed,
Islam has found two major support-bases for its
translation in Southeast Asia: the state and the
autonomous local leaders
polarization continues until today. After the 16th
century the scripturalist and tariqa-based
institutions stimulated
movements to implement a spirituality centered
concept of community. With the increasing
sophistication and penetration of Western
colonialism since the dawn of the 20th century,
modern Muslim organizations gradually have
taken over the social role of the defunct
indigenous states and
primarily to respond to the rapid change and at
the same time pursue defense of the community.
Although some, if not most, of them assume, if
not take, the role of state, others insist on social
and religio-cultural struggles.
(ulama). This
active and strong
other institutions,
From the publication of Singapore's al-Imam in
1906 to the recent foundation of Islam Liberal in
Jakarta, Southeast Asian Muslims have shown
their moral vision of the globalized world and
their design to achieve it. In this paper, emphasis
is given to major trends in spirituality centered
movement among Southeast Asian Muslims as
H

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represented by mass organizations like the
Nahdlatul Ulama and the Muhammadiyah, the
reformed traditional institutions like pondok
(Gontor) and tariqa (Naqshbandiya), and the
more pronounced social movements such as the
Sisters in Islam (Kuala Lumpur), the Aliran
(Pinang) and Islam Liberal.
Despite the fact that the state hegemony and the
ever presence of the shari'a at times interfere
with and color the activities of these
movements, they have undeniably demonstrated
the viability and potential of spirituality centered
movement in reshaping the rapidly changing and
more globalized world of today.
INTRODUCTION
With the barrage of negative and discrediting
Western press about recent Muslim terrorists,
including those in Southeast Asia, it is ironic
that my paper addresses the reverse –Islamic
spirituality and globalization–.
specifically, it is obviously easier to argue the
point from an apologetic standpoint; however, in
this esteemed academic and serious atmosphere
of our workshop we need to move forward to
finding common grounds of interest in and
shared benefit of having a just, peaceful and
harmonious global world.
More
What is global about Islamic discourse? Is it not
futile and self- contradictory to pose religion
like Islam as a means to create a more convivial
global world? Were Southeast Asian Muslims
customers of ideas and practices offered by their
teachers based in the Middle East and South
Asia? What were the environments conducive to
stimulate self-reliance and confidence in
Southeast Asia in the last quarter of the 20th
century? To answer the first part of these
questions, it is necessary to examine how history
shows that Muslims have been untiringly global
actors.
Despite some historical deviation and partial
aberration, Muslims strongly believe that their
religion, Islam, fully commits to peace, harmony
and brotherhood. Their brilliance in the classical
period through political and military domination
often sends wrong signals and messages
concerning their own spiritual worth.
Recent complaints by several Muslim leaders in
Southeast Asia concerning
victimized and attacked by their own radicals or
their being
terrorists should be taken seriously. For them
recent terror attacks in the region do not belong
to the pristine teachings of the religion and the
ideological make up of their organizations. Such
an aberration indeed forms an attack on their
very raison d'être, identity and future.
Unlike Roy1, Kepel2 and Lewis3, who, in their
own respective styles and emphasis, point out
politicized Islam and its attending crisis in the
contemporary Muslim world, Graham Fuller4
maintains the diversity of Islamist movements.
The majority of these, he insists, continue to be
moderate and even resolute to cooperate in the
struggle for democracy.
In a powerful thesis of cultural encounters
between Islam and the West, Hichem Djaït
maintains anxious fears among Muslims about
the collapse of their religion have been calmed.
"The idea of cultural pluralism, of equal rights
to self-development for all societies, ideas now
accepted by open- minded people everywhere,
allow Muslims to maintain a certain distance
from their identity"5.
Among modern historians W.C. Smith is the
most insistent on the importance of history to
Muslims. Islamic history, especially the early
part, belonged to them6. Optimism to life and to
the world thus manifested in the global
orientation of Muslim discourse and worldview.
Not only did Muslims enjoy universal influence,
they also positively looked to the wider world.
Interaction and cooperation with the larger
entities were launched in the 8th to 10th
centuries. On this issue Max Weber has an
interesting observation. He points out the major
difference between early
orientation of Islam and the latter contemplative
Sufism, even though both share a strong
universal orientation7.
active worldly
Fazlur Rahman maintains that the inherent and
pervasive beauty and
spiritualism must be given a proper place in
Islamic domain, namely the shari'a8. The failure
of formally accommodating Sufism had costed
Muslims dearly in intellectual and social life.
strength of Sufi
Marshall Hodgson is consistent in maintaining
the brilliant contribution of Islamic civilization
to pluralism and universalism. Indeed, the
cultural traditions which shouldered Islamic
civilization comprised of diverse elements, "by
no means restricted to Muslims"9.

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Taufik Abdullah10 emphasizes the importance of
political structure of
communities in Southeast Asia to the autonomy
of socio- religious movements. In New Order
Indonesia, political centralization and the
kratonic structure of state and religion led
toward autonomous
movements in non-political fields. In Malaysia
and Brunei the formal link between state and
Islam has determined the monopoly, or at least
attempt to it, of all religious matters and
activities.
various Muslim
growth of Islamic
It is clear to me that historically Muslims, like
many other missionary religionists, have been
active and even aggressive participants in the
global world11. At times religion and political
considerations predominated, yet its success in
founding worldview and civilization among
diverse peoples and communities show its
relevance to social change and accommodation.
In Southeast Asia Islam has developed with
particularly evolutionary
adjustment. The two-way
Islamization or, in the reverse direction,
indigenization has left a long term impact on
Muslim religiosity in the region. Despite the
strength of bureaucratic cooptation, Islam in
Southeast Asia has seen much autonomy, thus
nurturing non-political institutions of caliber and
resilience as well as discourses and ideas
relevant to pluralism, civil society and the global
world. Today such institutions and ideas pave
the way for new movements and updated
agendas toward a closer and more harmonious
world.
rhythm
process
and
of
This paper addresses three major foci:
•
Islamic
experience: what is global about Islam
and institutionalization
orientation in Islamic South East Asia
Non-state Islam in traditional South East
Asia
Recent Islamic movement.
discourse and historical
of global
•
•
Why
movements?
these particular organizations and
•
Historically meaningful even if not
always typical
Representative of non-bureaucratic and
non-political leaning
Self-reliance and independent.
•
•
1. NON-STATE ISLAM IN TRADITIONAL
SEA
The close link between the early phase of
Islamization and the formal endorsement of
Islam by rulers in the Malay World do not
permit total separation between state and Islamic
institutions12. Only with the deeper penetration
of Western powers and Western systems of
administration, leading to weakening local
powers, did autonomous religious institutions
and leaders gradually, but vigorously, emerge.
From quite early period, for example, the
Muslim courts maintained the presence of the
ulama and the Sufis. A few enclaves of strict
religious communities grew led mainly by those
potential leaders who found themselves in exile
due to various outward reasons. In Java such
enclaves became the bastions of autonomous
leaders and centers of education of some sort.
Unlike those religious functionaries who were
associated with now weakened courts, the
autonomous scholars needed to have some
qualities to command
Interestingly, roads to fame and piety took many
difference courses: piety, magic, learning and
social role. No ruler of some name ever emerged
from among purely learning-oriented scholars in
their own bastions. Despite their fame and
influence in society, religious scholars remained
teachers and local leaders. A few were given
power when married to the ruling family.
wider following.
In this background discussion, I bring up tariqa
leaders and their institutions as an illustration of
the major role of spirituality and globalization in
Islamic movement within a traditional context.
One of many interpretations concerning the
early phase of Islamization in Southeast Asia
points to the important role played by the Sufis.
Through their tolerance, empathy and patience
in dealing with the indigenous population, some
of their religious messages went through and
accepted by the local population. This was
particularly so when it is understood that Sufis
were known for their intensive spirituality and
noble character, yet remained simple and
adaptive to local conditions.
What is particularly relevant to my topic
concerns Sufi institutions. The spread of Islam
in the Malay world coincided with the
emergence of Sufi brotherhood (tariqa) which,
as Weber maintains13, enjoyed universal
character and orientation14. Although for some
such institutionalization has been considered the
vulgarization of Sufi mystical tradition and

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popularization of the refined thought, tariqa
rapidly developed into a supralocal institution
within the Muslim communities worldwide
transcending diverse parochial social and
political barriers. For quite some time before the
16th century, the Qadiriya tariqa, one of the
earliest orders, had won adherents in Southeast
Asia as can be seen in Hamzah Fansuri's
reference around the century. The tariqa could
be brought to Southeast Asia by pilgrims from
the Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina and by
traders from the Indian Ocean ports. By the
period the Qadiriya order won followings in the
Middle East and South Asia.
The Qadiriya failed to sustain its spread in
Southeast Asia as other more aggressive tariqas
were introduced after the mid-17th century.
Among the widely known tariqas in Southeast
Asia include Shatariya, Naqshbandiya, and
Sammaniya. The spread of these orders followed
the same pattern, that is through pilgrimage to
Mecca and Medina, teachers and adepts
introduced these orders throughout the Muslim
lands. The Shatariya was introduced to
Southeast Asia by a Jawi student from Aceh,
'Abd al-Ra'uf Singkel (d.1693), who had joined
study circles in the two holy cities for almost
two decades before returning to his homeland in
1661. The Shatariya won some support in Aceh
and other places in the island of Sumatra and
Java.
The Sammaniya order was introduced to
Southeast Asia by Jawi students, especially 'Abd
al-Samad Palembang (d. after 1788). He never
returned to settle in Southeast Asia, even though
his name belongs to one of the greatest older
Muslim scholars of the Malay world. The
Sammaniya interestingly took roots in the region
from 'Abd al-Samad's homeland of Palembang
and from there spread to other communities in
the archipelago. The Sammaniya won wide
support and at times and among some circles
increasingly popularized into religious folk
performances.
The largest tariqa in Southeast Asia, the
Naqshbandiya (and its derivative Qadiriya wa-
Naqshbandiya) spread among Southeast Asian
Muslims due to the intensification of pilgrimage
to Mecca after the last quarter of the 19th
century. Its spread was facilitated by the Jawi
students who returned home or instructed
pilgrims during the hajj seasons to the order.
One prominent Naqshbandi figure in this period
was Ahmad Khatib Sambas (d.1875).
In addition to these three tariqas, others have
been propagated with some local success.
Unlike the study in the scholarly circles,
participation in the tariqa did not impose strict
intellectual requirements, thus it could attract
wider following. Indeed, the tariqa opened more
opportunities for wider access to more intimate
ties and stronger religious brotherhood based on
the shared spiritual search and loyalty to tariqa
leaders. For this reason alone, we see the dual
development of the tariqa in contemporary
Southeast Asia. On the one hand, tariqas have
lost some segments of their followers in the
countryside where more modern facilities for
communication and entertainment become
easily available. tariqas are no longer the only
powerful breaker of the monotony of rural
setting. On the other hand, among certain
segments of urban Muslims, even the secularists
and the educated, the tariqa offers them with
alternatives to drug abuse, anomy, post-power
syndrome, urbanization,
psychosomatic problems.
and diverse
Traditionally tariqas performed diverse roles in
different Muslim societies, including political
legitimacy, magical prowess, political resistance
against the colonial powers, socio-economic
networking and religio-spiritual brotherhood.
What remains crucial in the revival of tariqa in
Southeast Asia is related to social change,
modernization and decline of traditional social
arrangements leading to moral and emotional
vacuum. Reformed or new tariqas have
responded to this offering informality, personal
acquaintance, and peace to the members.
2. POPULAR MOVEMENT: RELIGION
AND SOCIETY
CHANGING WORLD
IN A RAPIDLY
Examining current Islamic movements requires
some knowledge of their historical backgrounds.
Reformism among Muslims in Southeast Asia
accompanied scripturalization
modernization. Scripturalization
earnest with the writings of a few Acehnese
scholars from the second half of the 16th
century and the return of Southeast Asian
students from the centers of Islamic learning in
Mecca and Medina and other port cities in the
Indian Ocean. The central messages of
scripturalization in Southeast Asia focused on
return to the pristine teaching of Islam and
sticking to Islamic identity. Modernization in the
wake of economic, political and administrative
and
in began

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changes resulted in Islamic reformism pursuing
some elements of scripturalization and coming
up with an emphasis of joining modern trend
without compromising Islam. Despite the strong
political tone of several early reformist
movements, many emphasized the importance
of how to live socially and religiously truly
Islamic. Not only did the Sarekat Islam emerge
in 1912 as a religio-political movement, but
other vigorously socio- religious reform
movements also emerged,
Muhammadiyah (MUH) in 1911, followed later
in 1926 by the Nahdatul Ulama (NU) as well as
such an educational reform of the Pondok
Modern Gontor (Gontor) in the same year.
including the
The relevance of Islamic reformism to our
discussion comes from its roots and approaches.
Beset with major changes regionally and
beyond, educated Muslims in Southeast Asia
considered the time had come to take modern
challenges and opportunities seriously. Better
armed with modern disciplines and sophisticated
education they regarded what they had inherited
in the form of tradition and belief system as
strong identity and foundation to participate in
newly created opportunities. Yet, they also felt
that their practiced religion was not satisfactory,
intellectually and socially. Imbued with the
Islamic reformism of the period introduced by
their brethren in South Asia and the Middle
East, a comparable
scripturalization waves came to fore. At this
juncture of socio- religious change, two
important relevant issues manifested in relief: to
bring tradition and religion into contact with
modernity and at the same time to relate it to
universal Islamic interpretation. Indeed, Islamic
Southeast Asia has opted to go globalized. Now,
let us come closer to these three examples:
MUH, NU and Gontor.
replay of earlier
In Indonesia, Muslims are conventionally
divided into traditionalists and Wahhabi-
influenced modernists. For most parts of the
20th century, the former were represented by
NU and the latter MUH. NU was perceived as
traditionalist, conservative and rural Javanese-
based while MUH was regarded as modernist,
innovative and urban-based with strong support
in the urban centers of Java and in the outer
islands of Indonesia.
Born during rapid changing colonial policies,
MUH grew with two-pronged approaches. On
the one hand, it emphasizes the importance of
return to the pristine teaching of Islam through
the Qur'an and the prophetic tradition, getting
rid of all superstition and religious accretions.
Yet, interestingly, it strongly upholds modernity
in social and economic views and actions.
Politics per se was handily put aside making it
more flexible and less suspect by the colonial
authority. These characters successfully led
MUH to a religious movement with proven
achievements in the fields of social work,
education, welfare and health, as can be seen in
the mushrooming of MUH orphanages, schools,
women mosques,
clinics/hospitals throughout
provinces.
universities and
Indonesian
NU emerged with determination to defend the
characteristics of the accepted spirituality,
lifeway and worldview. Today, NU retains
influence within the Indonesian government and
society through its accommodationist stance,
inclusive approach and the emergence of a
younger generation of innovative Islamic
thinkers within its intellectual leadership. MUH
has become domesticated, with a turning to
Sufism while maintaining a commitment to
reform within the framework of an essentially
secular, multi-religious Indonesian society. Most
devout Muslims (santri) in Indonesia today are
affiliated with either NU or MUH, a significant
fact as both organizations are moderate in
character15.
Gontor, formally known as Modern Islamic
School, emerged during the time of adjustment
and rapid change. This background continues to
be influential and inspirational for the
institution.
The élan of Gontor came from youthful spirit of
reform in the face of the deteriorating religious
center and degenerating local community in the
mid- 1920s. Education was taken as a means to
reform and revive the lost vigor of village
religiosity and worldly spirit. At the start the
program was simple and direct aimed to educate
village children and sow new energy and
religious understanding for the adult. With the
growth of participants and the intellectual
sophistication of the Gontor organizers, a new
stage of education began. Gontor then launched
a more ambitious program of producing modern
teachers in religion and society. Its aim was to
produce students and teachers with noble
character, sound body, broad knowledge and
open mind. The major elements of teaching and
education came in
concomitantly: in classes and in practice as
two major forms