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JOURNAL OF SPORT & SOCIAL ISSUES / May 2002SPORT, TRIBES, AND TECHNOLOGY
FOCUS
SPORT, TRIBES, AND TECHNOLOGY
The New Zealand All Blacks Haka and
the Politics of Identity
Steven J. Jackson
Brendan Hokowhitu
This study examines how global forces are shaping local indigenous cultures
with a particular focus on the relationship between global capitalism, new
media technologies, and transnational advertising. Concentrating on Mäori
culture and identity in Aotearoa/New Zealand, the authors examine a con
-
temporary political debate related to indigenous culture and intellectual
property rights. Specifically, the study explores the politics of identity associ
-
ated with global sports company Adidas and its use of the traditional New
Zealand All Blacks haka as part of a global advertising campaign. A key fea
-
ture of the analysis is the controversy surrounding a lawsuit filed by a Mäori
tribe claiming compensation for the commercial use of its culture. Overall,
the study highlights the problem of maintaining and protecting cultural
spaces where indigenous identities can be constructed and affirmed.
G
lobalization has emerged as one of the foremost discourses of our
times. According to Anthony Giddens (2000) in his recent book
Runaway World: How Globalisation Is Reshaping Our Lives,
“Globalisation is not incidental to our lives....Itisashift in our very life cir-
cumstances.It is the way we now live”(p. 19). Giddens’s remark forms part of
a mounting chorus of scholars, politicians, social activists, economists,
transnational entrepreneurs, and ordinary citizens who, although not nec
-
essarily agreeing on the specific nature or consequences of globalization,
understand that there have been dramatic changes in contemporary pat
-
terns of social existence (Appadurai, 1990; de Mooij, 1998; Featherstone,
1996; Herman & McChesney, 1997; Scott, 1997). Key forces in these changes
are the new media technologies that enable distant events, people, and pro
-
cesses to have a more powerful and immediate impact on our lives (Miller,
1998; Morley & Robins, 1995). Consequently, there has been considerable
discussion and debate about the impact of globalization and, in particular,
the influence of global forces on local cultures. And although the local has
been defined and conceptualized in a variety of ways, including the nation-
state, our focus is within the context of indigenous cultures.
This study examines how global forces are shaping local indigenous
cultures with a particular focus on the relationship between global
Journal of Sport & Social Issues, Volume 26, No. 2, May 2002, pp. 125-139
© 2002 Sage Publications
capitalism, new media technologies, transnational advertising, and Mäori
culture and identity in Aotearoa/New Zealand. We outline a contemporary
political debate surrounding indigenous culture and intellectual property
rights as they relate to the appropriation of Mäori culture by transnational
corporations. Specifically, we examine the politics of identity associated
with global sports company Adidas and its use of the traditional New Zea
-
land All Blacks haka as part of its global advertising campaign. Central to
our discussion are the power, politics, and contradictions of representation.
We begin by giving a brief overview of the changing position of New Zealand
rugby within a global context. As the national sport, rugby is a key site for
the representation of New Zealand national identity, including Mäori cul
-
ture and identity.
NEW ZEALAND RUGBY BETWEEN THE GLOBAL AND THE LOCAL
Although it had operated for quite some time as a semiprofessional
sport, in 1995 New Zealand rugby experienced the most dramatic change in
its 100-year-plus history. Two rival international companies were attempt
-
ing to turn the All Blacks, along with the Australian and South African
national teams, into a global commodity. Throughout 1995, and particularly
around the period of the third Rugby World Cup in South Africa, the World
Rugby Corporation and News Limited engaged in what FitzSimons (1996)
described as the “Rugby War.” Both sides attempted to sign players and
major television contracts as part of a new global sporting competition.
Eventually, Rupert Murdoch’s News Limited emerged victorious with a
10-year, $555 million (New Zealand currency) deal signed with the three
rugby unions. Most people agreed that a major television contract was
essential for the financial stability of the New Zealand Rugby Football
Union (NZRFU), particularly given its difficulties in retaining top-level
players who were being lured away by lucrative overseas contracts. Yet,
although Murdoch’s millions may have provided a healthy injection, it could
also be argued that the unprecedented changes to the national game in 1995
served as an awakening with respect to New Zealand’s position within the
global economy. Arguably, the national game was now, more than ever
before, subject to foreign influences and control. The nature of the global-
local dilemma in New Zealand as well as rugby’s centrality within that
debate are outlined by Laidlaw (1999):
There is a real danger that control of the game in New Zealand will steadily be
wrested away from New Zealand hands....Itisthebottom line of the national
personality that is at stake and we are in danger of letting McWorld have it for a
few pieces of silver. The massive deals that have been done with major sponsors
were the only way of preserving that sovereignty. (pp. 177-178)
Thus,on one hand, New Zealand rugby benefited, perhaps even survived, by
harnessing the resources and technologies made available by transnational
corporations such as Rupert Murdoch’s News Limited and, subsequently,
126 JOURNAL OF SPORT & SOCIAL ISSUES / May 2002
Adidas. On the other hand, there was a price to pay for going global given
that both Murdoch and Adidas demanded various forms of control over the
brand in which they had invested. Part of that brand is the history, tradition,
and culture of the All Blacks.Within a local context, this means ownership of
aspects of the New Zealand community and its collective memory. Thus,
transnational investment in the national sport provides privileged access to
the past, present, and future meaning of not only the game but also the
nation.
In New Zealand, team sports, and in particular rugby, have been one of
the few cultural sites where Mäori have achieved any sense of equality.
According to Starr (1992),
Rugby is one of the too few spaces on T.V. where Mäori people are given texts
which show Mäori doing well....Rugby is a Pakeha created game that has
been adopted by Mäori men and used for enjoyment, mana, group spirit, and for
a few, prestige and upward mobility in a Pakeha world. (pp. 134-135)
Although Mäori have certainly excelled at rugby over the years and
are clearly overrepresented at the elite level, critics argue that this simply
serves to justify Pakeha (White European) sentiments that a level cultural
playing field exists.
It is rugby’s mythical and popularized role in defining New Zealand
identity and in uniting Mäori and Pakeha that helps explain the signifi-
cance of the haka (cf. Maclean, 1999; Phillips, 1987; Zavos, 1998). This may
be because the haka, as one of New Zealand’s most identifiable national
sporting rituals, is performed and displayed during heightened moments of
national significance, that is, when facing foreign opponents. It is during
these key periods that a large segment of the population focuses its atten-
tion on 15 men who, before entering the battlefield of sport, demonstrate a
unity of passion, commitment, and assertiveness that, although explicitly
masculine and uniquely New Zealand, is expressed in Mäori terms.
The result, according to Starr (1992), is that the haka, as a powerful
symbol of Mäori culture, has simply been colonized as a national rugby sym
-
bol to represent racial harmony despite the lack of Mäori material advances.
Thus, the haka represents much more than a national sporting ritual. It is a
contested terrain, perhaps the key site where Mäori culture gains more
global exposure than any other aspect of Mäori identity. Consequently, there
are important implications associated with the appropriation of the haka
both locally and globally. For example, there are crucial issues linked to
intellectual property rights and the authority over the representation of
one’s cultural identity. According to Smith (1999), people and their culture,
consisting of the material, the spiritual, and the exotic, have become “the
first truly global commercial enterprise: trading the Other” (p. 89). Here, we
examine the trading of the other within the context of indigenous culture,
new media technologies, and transnational sport advertising.
SPORT, TRIBES, AND TECHNOLOGY 127
As an introduction, we overview the historical origins and significance
of the Mäori haka, including its popularized, if bastardized, appropriation
within sport. By providing a literal translation and locating the haka within
its appropriate cultural context, we explain why some critics feel its status is
being exploited. Subsequently, we provide a description and analysis of the
controversial 1999 Adidas All Blacks haka advertisement. It was use of
Mäori imagery in the advertisement that contributed to recent challenges
concerning the control and representation of Mäori cultural identity.
Finally, we refer to recent legal challenges, largely centered on intellectual
property rights related to the haka, being mounted by particular Mäori
groups in their search for compensation from both the NZRFU and Adidas.
THE MEANING AND MANA
1
OF THE HAKA
Although we will later elaborate more fully on the history, meaning,
and significance of the haka, it deserves at least a brief description here par
-
ticularly for those unfamiliar with the sporting ritual. Although there are
vast arrays of different hakas, globally, the best known is the All Blacks Ka
Mate haka. The New Zealand national rugby team performs this haka
before it competes in international test matches. Although descriptions can-
not do it justice, it is important for readers to have some basic understanding
of what the haka involves. In brief, prior to each game and immediately fol-
lowing the respective national anthems, the All Blacks, usually led by a
senior Mäori player, form a semicircle at midfield facing their opponents. At
this point, they collectively engage in the haka, which consists of about 40
seconds of coordinated recitation of words and vigorous body movements
that, in combination, tell a story. Arguably, the haka has become an essential
part of any All Blacks sporting event, serving as an expression (or as we
argue, misrepresentation) of cultural identity, an entertainment spectacle,
and an attempt to motivate the players while intimidating the opposition.
With the advent of globalization and new media technologies, there is
increasing exposure to, and interest in, New Zealand, rugby, the All Blacks,
and the haka. This has led to a corresponding production and circulation of
images and narratives about the haka that are further removed from Mäori
control. As a consequence, there is greater potential for misunderstanding
and exploitation. Below, we note some of the misinformed interpretations of
the haka and, in turn, identify its meaning and significance within a tribal
context.
Whether one is examining Internet sites, watching All Blacks test
matches or related television advertisements, or even discussing the mean
-
ing of the haka with everyday New Zealanders, its popular, albeit mistaken,
definition is one of a war dance. According to Karetu (1993), the hakas have
been “erroneously defined by generations of uninformed as ‘war dances’, the
true ‘war dances’ are the whakatü waewae, the tütü ngärahu and the
peruperu” (p. 37). Within Mäori culture, haka is the generic name for all
types of dance or ceremonial performance that involve movement. His
-
torically, some were used solely for spiritual reasons; others were used for
128 JOURNAL OF SPORT & SOCIAL ISSUES / May 2002
celebration, intimidation, or as a “psych up” prior to battle (A. Black, per
-
sonal communication, March 5, 2000).
New Zealand’s sporting icons,the All Blacks, use a specific haka called
Ka Mate composed in the 1820s by a famous chief of the Ngäti Toa tribe,
2
Te
Rauparaha. Traditionally, the All Blacks leapt off the ground simulta
-
neously to complete the haka, an action reminiscent of movement particular
to the peruperu, where warriors folded their legs underneath their bodies as
they leapt off the ground. “The peruperu is the true war dance and is per
-
formed with weapons when the warriors come face to face with the
enemy . . . . [It] has the psychological purpose of demoralising the enemy by
gestures” (Awatere, cited in Karetu, 1993, p. 37).
Karetu (1993) pointed out, however, that when Ka Mate was com
-
posed, it was intended as a ngeri. Ngeri “are short haka to stiffen the sinews,
to summon up the blood, but unlike haka taparahi, have no set movements,
thereby giving the performers free rein to express themselves as they deem
appropriate” (p. 41). Karetu expressed his concern with the popularized ver
-
sion of Ka Mate, which has “become the most performed, the most maligned,
the most abused of all haka. Jumping is not a feature of either haka taparahi
or ngeri and it is these irritating perpetrations that lead to a lot of discord”
(p. 68).
Another source of conflict and tension in relation to the haka is that
few people, including New Zealanders, understand and accept the story
behind it, that is, its literal translation. Based on Karetu’s (1993) transla-
tion, Ka Mate was composed by Chief Te Rauparaha while seeking refuge
from his enemies at Chief Te Wharerangi’s village. The story suggests that
Te Rauraparah was concealed in a pit by Te Wharerangi’s wife, Te
Rangikoaea. She sat over the entrance of the pit to hide Te Rauparaha and to
neutralize the chants performed by his pursuers in their quest to flush him
out. Here, it is important to note that in Mäori culture it was believed that
women’s genitals could not only neutralize chants but embodied consider
-
able power. In the pit, Te Rauparaha hears the fluctuation of his fate in the
discussion between his pursuers and the chief and consequently mutters,
“Aha ha. Ka mate, ka mate. Ka ora, ka ora. Ka mate, ka mate,” or “I die; I die. I
live; I live.I die; I die.” Finally,when he hears his pursuers leave,he exclaims,
“Ka ora, ka ora. Tenei te tangata puhurupuhuru nana nei i tiki mai
whakawhiti te ra,” or “I live; I live. For this is the hairy man who has fetched
the sun and caused it to shine again.”As he takes his first two steps out of the
pit, he says, “Hupane, kaupane” or “Spring up the terrace,” and as he stands
clear, he shouts, “Whiti te ra,” or “The sun shines.”
There are many myths associated with the meaning of Ka Mate, in
part, linked to Pakeha efforts to interpret Mäori culture to suit their own
beliefs and interests. For example, sportswriter Spiro Zavos (1998) dis
-
counted the former Mäori reading of Ka Mate because it makes reference to
a woman’s genitals (“the hairy man”) and to the protection of men by women,
a theme common to Mäori culture. Zavos’s response is typical of Pakeha who
SPORT, TRIBES, AND TECHNOLOGY 129
believe they have a right to explain Mäori culture so that it conforms to their
own cultural norms:
It does not ring true to Mäori tradition....Mäori culture is male hege
-
monic....Itseems implausible that the All Blacks...would embrace a haka
that had such embarrassing connotations....Thehairy man in this haka is an
archetype of strength, a figure of power, capable of bringing about the triumph
of life over death....When the All Blacks chant their haka . . . they will lead
their great team, and the nation that identifies with it, into the sun that shines.
(pp. 71-73)
Thus, a Mäori interpretation of the Ka Mate haka is rejected, not because it
has been shown to be illegitimate but rather on the basis that it threatens
male power and in particular White male power.However,few New Zealand
-
ers, Mäori and Pakeha alike, seem to know this literal translation of the
haka within which a male chief acknowledges a woman’s genitals because
they are viewed to embody such power and strength. Understanding the lit
-
eral meaning of the haka is important, but it is also important to consider
how a cultural tradition and ritual that originally had nothing to do with
sport gained its popular, contemporary sporting identity.
In 1888, 4 years prior to the formal formation of the NZRFU, the first
New Zealand team, referred to as the New Zealand Native Football Repre-
sentatives, toured Britain and Australia (Phillips, 1987; Ryan, 1993). For
New Zealand, it was an opportunity to demonstrate its sporting prowess
against its colonial masters. One aspect of this demonstration was the per-
formance of a haka. Notably, from its earliest sporting introduction, the
haka performed a dual function: first, as an expression of cultural identity
and, second, as part of an entertainment spectacle to attract British crowds.
However, it was the tour of one of New Zealand’s most famous teams that
marked the first official use of the Ka Mate haka within a sporting context.
The 1905 All Blacks, now referred to as “the Originals,” are viewed as play
-
ing a key role in the formation and confirmation of New Zealand identity (cf.
Phillips, 1987). Notably, the haka may have played a much more significant
role in defining New Zealand’s national identity than previously recognized.
For example, Andrews (1996) noted that prior to the final game of the 1905
tour against Wales, the home team sang the Welsh national anthem yHen
Wlad Fy Nhadau” in response to the All Blacks haka. To this extent, the per
-
formance of the Ka Mate haka not only served as a symbol of New Zealand
national identity, it may also have stimulated a burgeoning sense of Welsh
identity. Inasmuch as identity, particularly national identity, is constructed
out of difference, the haka can be seen to play a pivotal role in defining New
Zealand identity both domestically and abroad.
The place of the haka within New Zealand cultural identity has been a
site of contradictions and resistance, both locally and globally. For example,
foreign opponents, misinterpreting the meaning and purpose of the haka,
often ignored or mocked it (Barlow, 1996; Revington, 1997). Yet, the real dis
-
respect lies not in the opponents’ disregard but in the NZRFU’s placement of
130 JOURNAL OF SPORT & SOCIAL ISSUES / May 2002
the haka into an inappropriate arena. Increasingly, there are signs of criti
-
cism and resistance.
For example, the haka has been challenged for its role in contributing
to the violent nature of sport particularly in New Zealand high schools (“Call
to Review,” 1991). The Ka Mate haka has also been challenged because it is
considered offensive to some members of the Mäori tribe Ngai Tahu, whose
ancestors were slaughtered by Chief Te Rauraparah (Revington, 1997).
There have also been a number of criticisms concerning the exploitation of
the haka as it is linked to popular cultural spectacles such as the mock per
-
formance by the Spice Girls during a promotional tour of Bali in 1997 (“Spice
Girls,” 1997, p. 1). Finally, with respect to the focus of this study, there have
been increasing concerns over the commodification and commercial exploi
-
tation of the haka within contemporary advertising. In the past 5 years,
there have been numerous examples of haka-related imagery being used in
advertising campaigns, including AMP Insurance, McDonald’s, Lion Red
beer, Steinlager beer, Lotto, Ford Motor Company, and, most explicitly and
recently, Adidas. Next, we outline the emergence of the new sponsorship
relationship between Adidas and the NZRFU, including the launch of the
global advertising campaign featuring the All Blacks haka commercial. In
turn, we examine the implications of the ad with respect to the politics of
identity and subsequent Mäori challenges based on cultural insensitivity
and intellectual property rights.
THE ADIDASIFICATION OF THE ALL BLACKS
In July 1999, the New Zealand All Blacks commenced their relation-
ship with a new major sponsor, global sports company Adidas. Arguably, the
deal was timely for both sides. As previously noted, the NZRFU had been
struggling financially despite the substantial 1995 television contract deal
signed with Rupert Murdoch’s News Corporation. According to then chair
-
man of the NZRFU, Rob Fisher, “We believe this is the single largest and
most strategically important decision ever made by the NZRFU” (“Adidas
Appointed,” 1997, p. 23). Adidas, on the other hand, was making significant
progress in its plan to overtake Nike as the world’s premier sports company.
Adding the All Blacks, the premier global icon within the sport of rugby,
would do wonders for its image, particularly in the lead up to the 1999 Rugby
World Cup. Yet, although rugby administrators rejoiced, there were con
-
cerns within certain sectors of New Zealand about how a foreign company
was going to handle the nation’s most treasured commodity, the All Blacks.
Not only was Adidas displacing long-standing local sponsor Canterbury for
control of the most famous and respected jersey in rugby, but also there were
rumors that Adidas might actually change the traditional design. Indeed, a
new jersey was released, but judging by popular demand for the brand, the
new sponsor was a huge success (Jackson, Batty, & Scherer, 2001).
Notably, the haka became a focal point for both the NZRFU and Adidas
during 1999. The All Blacks sought advice from Mäori cultural leaders
about how they could reinforce the power and mana of the haka. On July 10,
SPORT, TRIBES, AND TECHNOLOGY 131
1999, New Zealand witnessed the performance of a rejuvenated All Blacks
haka at Carisbrook Stadium in Dunedin complete with boom microphones
that reverberated sound around the stadium like never before. Coinci
-
dentally, this was also the launch of the new Adidas brand and All Blacks jer
-
sey. Leading up to the 1999 Rugby World Cup, Adidas, in conjunction with
global advertising firm Saatchi, launched a dramatic, 60-second, black-
and-white commercial featuring the All Blacks haka. The New Zealand–
produced advertisement, which was a year in the making,was intended for
a global audience of more than 40 countries (“Primal Team,” 1999). In brief,
the commercial begins with shots of bubbling mud pools, symbolic of the
volcanic thermal hot springs that are a key feature of the tourist hot spot,
Rotorua, home to one of the largest tribes, Te Arawa. The scene then shifts
back and forth between images of current All Blacks players performing
the haka and Mäori warriors of the past. The scantily clad warriors are por
-
trayed as intense, angry fighters complete with moko, that is, traditional
Mäori facial tattoos. The ad’s concluding shots feature Mäori All Black Kees
Meeuws staring back intensely at his opponents after completing the haka.
A key feature of the ad was the dramatic sound. The audio track was created
using 80 layers of sound beginning with the actual game haka but also
including the voices of individual players through postsynching. According
to Howard Greive, Saatchi head of television, the concept “was always cen-
tered around the haka and a ‘primal’ sound design....Wealwayswanted to
create a sort of primal scary ad” (“Primal Team,” 1999, p. 22). Further
insights from the producers provide important information about the inten-
tions of Adidas. The commercial was shot by a community of cinematogra-
phers, including two cameramen from the National Football League, during
the first night game at Eden Park (Auckland). This was done to capture the
dramatic atmosphere and to control the lighting. According to Greive,
Adidas was looking for something unique to brand its products and believed
it could capture this through the haka:
You have to go back to: why did Adidas come in and pay all that money for the
All Blacks? It’s because the All Blacks can deliver something to their brand
that no other team or individual can in sport. Which is they are playing a very,
very physical game—it has been called the last warrior sport in the world. Not
only that, but they play it with intensity and the easiest way to judge that
intensity is through the haka. That is exactly what Adidas wanted in terms of
what the All Blacks could bring to their brand. It introduced a gutsier, more pri
-
mal element—as well as the sheer artistry of rugby. (“Primal Team,” 1999,
p. 22).
Greive’s comments are revealing. First, although he does not explicitly refer
to globalization, he certainly alludes to the unique contribution that the All
Blacks can make to the Adidas brand. However, it is Greive’s statements
about how the All Blacks can provide this that are most interesting. He sug
-
gests that it is the intensity and physical nature of their style that sets the
All Blacks apart, a style characterized by a primal, warrior element that is
132 JOURNAL OF SPORT & SOCIAL ISSUES / May 2002
best expressed through the haka. In an interview with AdMedia magazine,
Greive’s further notes that
one of the key words that Adidas were keen to go with was authenticity—so
that’s why we shot a game and that’s why we shot the haka . . . . We knew that if
we could just show people what it is actually like to be confronted by the haka
and to watch the All Blacks play their game—then you don’t have to manufac
-
ture anything. All you have to do is show it. (“Primal Team,” 1999, p. 22)
One can only wonder if Greive sees the irony of his statements about authen
-
ticity in light of the extreme lengths to which his production team went to
socially construct the powerful collage of signs that cumulatively consti
-
tuted an Adidas advertisement.
The advertisement certainly received attention, and Adidas ensured
that it gained additional exposure beyond television through a synergy of
media technologies. For example,the ad was featured on the Adidas Web site
where it could be downloaded and viewed. Moreover, corresponding poster
and billboard campaigns were launched in conjunction with the television
advertisement. One dramatic image revealed a huge black-and-white bill
-
board in central London featuring various All Blacks doing the haka with
nine tribal warriors montaged into the background. Another billboard
showed a huge moko-faced Mäori warrior glaring angrily at all who gazed on
him, with the Adidas trifoil logo and the NZRFU trademark silver fern sub-
tly located on the left- and right-hand sides of the image, respectively. For
ardent rugby fans or perhaps even those who had simply seen the full-length
video advertisement, the giant billboards may have served to reinforce the
brand. However, it is not known what unsuspecting pedestrians must have
thought about this compelling image. Perhaps, it left a lasting impression
about the Adidas brand in which case it succeeded as a transnational mar
-
keting exercise. However, it is important to consider the implications with
respect to the global image of Mäori. Could such representations reinforce
global stereotypes of New Zealand’s indigenous people as violent noble sav
-
ages or exotic others? For example, according to Wall (1997), the ambivalent
and contradictory signifiers and discourses made available through the
media (and arguably via the Adidas television and billboard advertise
-
ments) reinforce stereotypes of Mäori as the “primitive savage warrior, the
immoral sexual predator, the naïve comical simpleton, the spiritual/
irrational environmentally-aware tribesperson” (p. 41). As a consequence,
the image produced and reproduced is what she described as the “quintes
-
sential Mäori” (p. 41). Although we can only speculate, the Adidas quest to
capture the authenticity of the All Blacks through the primal images and
sounds embodied in the haka suggests some attempt to seize, or more accu
-
rately manufacture, one particular aspect of Mäori culture.Ultimately, ste
-
reotypes of Mäori are used as part of a transnational marketing campaign
that is, in effect, exploiting indigenous culture. The exploitation occurs not
only through the misappropriation of a ritual but also through the attempts
SPORT, TRIBES, AND TECHNOLOGY 133
to nostalgically forge a particular version of New Zealand’s past. As a conse
-
quence, the inequalities of history are erased, or at least ignored, while
Mäori, as a racial/ethnic group,are repositioned into the stereotypical repre
-
sentations of the past. According to Fleras (1991), the use of racial/ethnic
stereotypes works to sanitize majority perceptions such that indigenous
minorities are “rendered less threatening by framing them in familiar and
comforting terms; this, in turn, diminishes their impact as a threat to the
social fabric. Stereotypes also reassure the audience that potentially trou
-
blesome constituents are still ‘in their place’ ” (p. 352). Arguably, stereotypes
are an important issue with respect to Mäori culture and the performance of
the haka. To perform the haka correctly requires intensity and strength that
is displayed by, for example, dilation of the eyes and a protruding tongue.
However, just like the earliest Europeans who encountered Mäori, those
unfamiliar with the haka may view such rituals as uncivilized and confine
“themselves to such epithets as ‘grotesque’, ‘savage’, and ‘indecent’ ” (Karetu,
1993, p. 29). Yet, the stereotypes are truly in the eye of the beholder and only
become stereotypes because Mäori culture has become decontextualized.
For Mäori, the expression in haka is a reflection of their culture, that is, “the
eyes are the windows of the soul and . . . say much that the rest of the body
can’t....Thetongue is the avenue whereby the thoughts of the mind is [sic]
conveyed to the audience” (Karetu, 1993, pp. 29-30).
A key issue in relation to the global circulation of indigenous rituals
and images is control. Few familiar with rugby and the All Blacks would
deny the intensity of their play or the symbolic power of the haka. Yet, given
the vast array of new technologies and representations, Mäori have less and
less collective determination of how the haka and other aspects of their cul-
ture are represented and distributed. For example, a cursory search of the
World Wide Web using the keyword haka reveals more than 20 sites, in vari-
ous languages and with different purposes. Largely, these sites focus on the
sport of rugby and tend to celebrate the legend of the All Blacks. Notably,
most at least attempt to provide an explanation about the meaning and sig
-
nificance of the Mäori haka. However, one must ponder the implications of a
decontextualized American-, German-, or Japanese-based Web site dedi
-
cated to explaining the meaning and significance of the haka particularly in
relation to Mäori cultural history. Recently, there have been signs of resis
-
tance to the appropriation of Mäori culture, particularly the haka. We exam
-
ine one of the most publicized challenges to date: the intellectual property
rights case against Adidas and the NZRFU following the launch of the new
global haka advertising campaign.
RESISTING COMMODIFICATION
Although the Adidas campaign was launched in July 1999, it was
nearly a year later that a formal, consolidated protest emerged. On June 11,
2000, the front page of the Sunday News displayed the headline “$1.5m for
haka.” The accompanying article outlined claims by Ron Peters,a Northland
lawyer, rugby administrator, and brother of controversial New Zealand First
134 JOURNAL OF SPORT & SOCIAL ISSUES / May 2002
political party leader Winston Peters, that “there are immense concerns out
there among Mäori people” (Reid, 2000, p. 1). In part, these concerns center
on some Mäori believing they “deserve a large slice of the $120 million
adidas sponsorship of NZ [New Zealand] rugby, because the sportswear
giant uses Mäori imagery in its branding” (Reid, 2000, p. 1). However, the
very next day, the NZRFU, through its chief executive, David Rutherford,
refused to recognize any such claim for compensation. According to
Rutherford,
We don’t want the haka to be for sale and if it were we wouldn’t be a willing
buyer of it. I don’t think anyone thinks the haka is performed for commercial
purposes.If it was ever reduced to that I’m reasonably sure we wouldn’t want to
perform it. If the haka is for sale, what isn’t? The haka is very special to New
Zealand rugby and it has a very special place. It’s a part of our game; we’ve
defended the right to do it against attack from time to time. We’ve never had to
pay for the privilege. To do so would demean the mana of it for us. (“No $1.5m
Haka,” 2000, p. 18)
The hypocrisy of Rutherford’s comments are self-evident. On one hand, he
claims that the NZRFU “wouldn’t be a willing buyer” of the haka, but in
effect, they serve as the broker that sells the haka through television rights
contracts to broadcast All Blacks games and, in the case of Adidas, through
an advertising campaign. The use in the Adidas advertisement of All Blacks
players under contract is a clear example of the commodification of the haka.
Moreover, each instance in which the NZRFU is affiliated with corporations
that use the haka in their advertisements, directly or indirectly, condones its
use.
Approximately 1 week after publication of the newspaper article, the
issue of ownership of the haka appeared in the media again. This time it was
featured during a segment of Backchat, a Television One arts, culture, and
entertainment program (Harcourt, 2000). The show, hosted by Gordon Har
-
court, featured three guests: copyright lawyer John Hackett, Mäori claims
lawyer Maiu Solomon, and Mäori artist, designer, and curator Julie
Paama-Pengelly. Several segments of the discussion are worth noting in
detail simply because they embody the most comprehensive public discus
-
sion of the issue to date. The segment begins with the perspective of copy
-
right lawyer Hackett. From a legal standpoint, Hackett argued that there
are two central issues with respect to Adidas’s use of the haka: trademark
and copyright. He immediately discounted the trademark issue and, in turn,
rejected any claim of copyright because, as Hackett claimed, they are not
absolutely certain who created the haka and there is no written contract to
verify ownership making it part of the public domain. However, as Solomon
pointed out, the very use of a colonial legal tradition to evaluate and judge
cultural and intellectual property rights is fraught with contradictions:
I think what this whole debate highlights...is,one,that the intellectual prop
-
erty rights system is totally inadequate to recognise and protect Mäori cultural
SPORT, TRIBES, AND TECHNOLOGY 135
values and cultural rights. For example, the IPR [intellectual property rights]
system was developed to protect private economic rights that came out of the
industrial revolution. But when you talk about Mäori tanga cultural heritage
rights, these are collective by nature. So they don’t belong to one individual;
they belong to the whanau, the hapu, or the iwi. What we are seeing happening
now, increasingly, is that you’ve got major corporates who are drawing upon
Mäori branding, Mäori imagery, and Mäori icons to promote their products.
Now if they’re going to do that, they’ve got to go to Mäori and make sure that
they have the proper authority, that they are doing the right thing, that they
are using those images and icons in a culturally appropriate way. And if there is
going to be a commercial return, then what share of those benefits will Mäori
get. (Harcourt, 2000)
The host of the program, Harcourt, probed to gain an understanding of what
the real problem is:
As a Pakeha New Zealander watching that ad, which it was an incredibly pow
-
erful branding campaign for the All Blacks, [to me] it creates a powerful image
of New Zealand. It attaches enormous significance and heart to that Mäori
imagery, and that Mäori imagery then becomes an ambassador for New Zea
-
land. What really at the end of the day is wrong with that? (Harcourt, 2000)
In response, Paama-Pengelly replied,
Well that’s a great thing,but Mäori aren’t in control of how they’re portrayed in
their imagery. How do we know that that’s how they want their moko to be seen
because moko is not just about being warriors or champions. (Harcourt, 2000)
Here, the moko, what we have previously described as Mäori facial tattoos,
becomes the focus of discussion. Responding to Paama-Pengelly, the host
noted that
it’s a bit simplistic I know, but there’s a Mäori guy involved in that [ad] whose
face had a digitally created moko on it. I’m not sure of the ins and outs of the
making of that ad,but its not just being done without anybody’s say at all. (Har
-
court, 2000)
In part, Harcourt made the case that if a Mäori person consents to the use of
the image then there should not be a problem. However, as Solomon quickly
pointed out, the moko, haka, and other aspects of Mäori culture must be
located and understood within an appropriate cultural framework:
The tau moko is not just the individual lines on the face; it tells a whole story of
that person’s heritage, of the marae of the tribe....It’spart of that collective
right....Theperson carries all of that mana, all of that heritage, all of that tra
-
dition. So, it is wrong for me to go and try and copyright an ancestor figure
that’s been carved on a tree because I’ve got a company and I want to use it on a
logo because that belongs to my collective; it belongs to my iwi.(Harcourt, 2000)
136 JOURNAL OF SPORT & SOCIAL ISSUES / May 2002
The point being made is that in Mäori culture, like many other indigenous
cultures, there is a different sense of history, ownership, and community.
Individuals are defined in relation to their family history, and in Mäori cul
-
ture, this includes family (immediate), whanau (extended family), hapu
(subtribe), iwi (tribe), and waka (lineage based on the boat in which one’s
Mäori ancestors arrived in New Zealand). At this point, the legal proceed
-
ings regarding the haka are in their very early stages. However, given the
symbolic power of the haka in the cultural, ideological, and commercial
realms, it is likely to remain a site of considerable tension and debate.
CONCLUSION
New global technologies appear to hold the potential to serve as both
savior and enemy of indigenous culture. On one hand, new technologies such
as the Internet and satellite television are enabling remote, often
marginalized, tribes to communicate and gain a sense of solidarity with
other global indigenous groups. Likewise, the media can play a significant
role in drawing the world’s attention to the serious plight of some groups
thereby providing a stimulus for social change. However, these same tech
-
nologies can, intentionally and unintentionally, contribute to the exploita-
tion and perhaps even eradication of indigenous interests.
The implications of global capitalism, new media technologies, and
transnational advertising for indigenous cultures are immense.In 1996, the
leading world advertising and broadcasting associations devised a single
global standard for the purchase and production of television advertising
(Ross, 1996, p. 3). Furthermore, predictions are that global advertising will
increase from $335 billion in 1995 to $2 trillion in 2020 (Coen, 1995). In com-
bination, the consolidation of these major global political, economic, and cul-
tural power brokers is driving a new culture of enterprise that enlists the
enterprise of culture (Harvey, 1987; Jameson, 1991). The implications of
such a shift with respect to global advertising and indigenous culture are
highlighted by Goldman and Papson (1996). They asserted that as advertis
-
ers seek new signs and excavate fresh cultural territory “no meaning system
is sacred, because the realm of culture has been turned into a giant mine”
(pp. v-vi). In light of such a forecast, the outlook for maintaining authority
over the representation of indigenous, and other, cultures will be increas
-
ingly difficult. According to Melucci (1989), “The freedom to belong to an
identity and to contribute to its definition presumes the freedom to be repre
-
sented” (p. 258), therefore we need cultural spaces “which enable individuals
and social groups to affirm themselves and be recognized for what they are
or wish to be” (p. 172).The case of the (mis)appropriation of the Mäori haka
by the NZRFU and Adidas is but one of many examples of the challenges
faced by indigenous cultures. Although there are avenues and signs of resis
-
tance, transnational corporations and their vast array of technologies con
-
tinue to benefit from an expanding environment of national, commercial,
and legal deregulation. Consequently, within the context of global
SPORT, TRIBES, AND TECHNOLOGY 137
capitalism, the struggle to maintain and protect cultural spaces where iden
-
tities can be constructed and affirmed will become increasingly difficult.
NOTES
1. In general terms, mana refers to prestige and respect but often carries even more
significance.
2. This is a tribe from the Wellingon area.
AUTHORS
Steven J. Jackson is a senior lecturer in the School of Physical Educa
-
tion, University of Otago, New Zealand, where he teaches courses in Sport,
Media, and Culture and sociology of sport. His research interests include
globalization, media, and national identity. A member of the editorial board
for the Sociology of Sport Journal, he has recently published (with David
Andrews) Sport Stars: The Cultural Politics of Sporting Celebrity
(Routledge). Brendan Hokowhitu recently received his Ph.D. from the
School of Physical Education, University of Otago. His research interests
include Mäori sport and physical activity, and he has just finished teaching a
new course titled “Akoranga Whakakori,” New Zealand’s only specialist
course in Mäori sport and physical education.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors would like to thank the reviewers for the helpful com-
ments and suggestions.
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