The Religiosity of Immigrants in Europe: A Cross‐National Study

Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion (Impact Factor: 1.35). 05/2011; 50(2):272 - 288. DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-5906.2011.01567.x

ABSTRACT This study examines cross-national differences in the religiosity of immigrants in Europe utilizing three different measures of religiosity: religious attendance, praying, and subjective religiosity. Hypotheses are formulated by drawing upon a variety of theories—scientific worldview, insecurity, religious markets, and social integration. The hypotheses are tested using European Social Survey data (2002–2008) from more than 10,000 first-generation immigrants living in 27 receiving countries. Multilevel models show that, on the individual level, religiosity is higher among immigrants who are unemployed, less educated, and who have recently arrived in the host country. On the contextual level, the religiosity of natives positively affects immigrant religiosity. The models explain about 60 percent of the cross-national differences in religious attendance and praying of immigrants and about 20 percent of the cross-national differences in subjective religiosity.

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Available from: Frank van Tubergen, Aug 19, 2015
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    • "For a long time, migration researchers in Europe and the United States have paid little interest to the religiousness of immigrants (Cadge and Ecklund, 2007). In the past decades, however, this has changed and particularly in the past few years, there has been a tremendous increase in studies on immigrants' religion, both in the United States (Akresh, 2011; Alanezi and Sherkat, 2008; Massey and Higgins, 2011), Canada (Connor, 2008, 2009b) and in Western Europe (Connor, 2010; Diehl and Koenig, 2009; Fleischmann et al., 2011; Güngör et al., 2011; Maliepaard et al., 2010, 2012; Smits et al., 2010; Van Tubergen and Sindradóttir, 2011; Voas and Fleischmann, 2012). "
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    ABSTRACT: Using data on recently arrived immigrants in the Netherlands, I study the role of migration in religious attendance and praying. For the majority of immigrants, the frequency of reli-gious attendance and praying remains the same after migration, but a substantial group shows religious decline. I observe this drop of religiousness for both attendance and pray-ing, but the drop is much more pronounced for attendance. Whereas 40% participate less often in Holland than before migrating, frequency of praying dropped among 17% only. The degree of religious continuity and decline differs dramatically across immigrant groups. Conditional upon pre-migration religiousness, I find that the ''older'', well-estab-lished and numerically larger migrant groups of Turks, Moroccans, Surinamese and Antil-leans more frequently attend religious meetings and pray than the ''new'' and smaller groups of Poles and Bulgarians. Religious continuity and decline seem less dependent on individual experiences.
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    • "Accordingly, immigrants in the US were found to be preserve and effectively transmit their religious traditions through close-knit kinship and ethnic ties (Ebaugh & Chafetz, 2000). Although European societies are much less religious and less homogeneously Christian receiving contexts than the US, immigrants in Europe, who are more embedded in their ethnic community , also tend to be more religious (Van Tubergen & Sindradottir, 2011). Little is known, however, about the transmission of religion within acculturating groups in European societies. "
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