Do race and gender matter in police stress? A preliminary assessment of the interactive effects

Abstract

The interactive effects of race and gender in a multi-dimensional assessment of police occupational stress were examined in this study. The sample from a large urban police department was divided into four subgroups: White males, African-American males, White females, and African-American females. Comparisons were carried out to assess group differences in three major domains of stress process: stressors, coping mechanisms, and multiple psychological manifestations of stress. Specific attentions were paid to observe any similar or dissimilar interactive effects of race and gender on the stress process. The results showed that dynamic factors such as measures of work environment and coping mechanisms contributed more in explaining police stress than static factors such as race and gender. Additionally, destructive coping and work-family conflict (spillover) were the most stable correlates of police stress across all subgroups included in the analysis. The impacts of negative exposure and camaraderie on police stress were conditional on the subgroup statuses. Limitations and implications of the study are discussed.

Full text

Page 1

Do race and gender matter in police stress? A preliminary assessment
of the interactive effects
Ni Hea,*, Jihong Zhaob, Ling Renb
aCollege of Criminal Justice, Northeastern University, 360 Huntington Avenue, Boston, MA 02115-5000, United States
bDepartment of Criminal Justice, University of Nebraska at Omaha, Omaha, NE 68182, United States
Abstract
The interactive effects of race and gender in a multi-dimensional assessment of police occupational stress were examined in
this study. The sample from a large urban police department was divided into four subgroups: White males, African-American
males, White females, and African-American females. Comparisons were carried out to assess group differences in three major
domains of stress process: stressors, coping mechanisms, and multiple psychological manifestations of stress. Specific attentions
were paid to observe any similar or dissimilar interactive effects of race and gender on the stress process. The results showed
that dynamic factors such as measures of work environment and coping mechanisms contributed more in explaining police
stress than static factors such as race and gender. Additionally, destructive coping and work-family conflict (spillover) were the
most stable correlates of police stress across all subgroups included in the analysis. The impacts of negative exposure and
camaraderie on police stress were conditional on the subgroup statuses. Limitations and implications of the study are
discussed.
D 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Introduction
Although it was argued that racism and sexism
remained deeply embedded in police culture (Martin,
2004; Walker, 1985), increased diversity in American
police force became one of the most noticeable changes
in the past decades. For both minority and female
officers, the road leading to their full acceptance in
police force seemed long and uncertain (Martin, 1991;
Steel & Lovrich, 1987; Warner, Steel, & Lovrich, 1989;
Zhao & Lovrich, 1998). The police profession, not
unlike other traditional bAnglo male sex-typed occu-
pationsQ (Haarr & Morash, 1999), presented a rather
challenging or even outright hostile work environment
for women and minority officers. Martin (2004) suc-
cinctly described how White male officers often fit
African-American officers into their devalued social
status while seeing women officers in gender defined
roles. Understandably, a potential outcome of such
racial and/or sexual discriminations could be the ma-
nifestations of heightened psychological stress on the
part of the minority and women officers.
In spite of the plethora of literature on the relation-
ship between police work and job-related stress, there
was a paucity of empirical evidence pertaining to the
interactive effects of race and gender on the police
stress process. Three domains of the stress process
included: stressors, stress mediators, and stress out-
comes. Researchers argued that social stratifications
such as those based on race and gender could provide
insights to better understand an individual’s stress pro-
cess (Pearlin, 1989).
0047-2352/$ - see front matter D 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2005.08.003
* Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 617 373 2622; fax: +1 617 373
8998.
E-mail address: n.he@neu.edu (N. He).
Journal of Criminal Justice 33 (2005) 535–547

Page 2

Much of the earlier research used small convenience
samples and measured only a limited number of vari-
ables (Burke, 1993; He, Zhao, & Archbold, 2002). The
numbers of officers in the subgroups were usually
insufficient in the samples to allow meaningful inter-
group comparisons. Consequently, very little attention
was paid to study the interactive effects of race and
gender on police stress.
The current study was intended to fill this void.
More specifically, it sought to answer the following
three questions. First, whether the levels of stress
among minority and female officers (i.e., African-
American males, White females, and African-American
females) were similar compared to White male officers?
Second, how did static factors based on racial and
gender statuses compare to dynamic factors (e.g., per-
ceptions of work environment and individual coping
mechanisms) in predicting the level of psychological
stress among police officers? Finally, how did race and
gender interact with both stressors and individual cop-
ing mechanisms? The data used in this study was
derived from a large survey of sworn officers conducted
in the Baltimore City Police Department in the late
1990s.
Police stress: static versus dynamic factors
A review of literature on the relationship between
police work and stress revealed two groups of expla-
natory factors. The first group concerned the impact of
(static) social statuses of race and gender on police
stress. Researchers argued that African-American and
female officers might demonstrate higher level of stress
than White male officers due to the unfavorable tradi-
tional police organizational culture (e.g., Martin, 1990,
2004; Walker, 1985). The second group of factors was
more dynamic, which included both aspects of police
work environment and coping mechanisms adopted in
response to work-related stress.
Static factors and police stress
Researchers had long argued that many stressful
experiences could be traced back to surrounding social
structures and people’s locations within them (Brown &
Campbell, 1990; Burke, 1988; Deaux & Ullman, 1983;
Galinsky, Bond, & Friedman, 1993, 1996). For exam-
ple, these structures acted as various systems of social
stratification such as race and ethnicity, gender, age,
and social and economic class (Pearlin, 1989). Accord-
ing to Pearlin (1989, p. 243), bAll too often, people’s
background and circumstantial attributes are either
overlooked in analyses or received scant attention.
Thus data that should be at the heart of sociological
inquiry are frequently treated only as analytic noise that
needs to be controlled statistically.Q
Walker (1985) evaluated the historical development
and the implications of minority and female employ-
ment in American policing. He argued that the process
of accepting African-American and female officers in
police organizations was long and sometimes confron-
tational (e.g., lawsuits). Similarly, Martin’s (1980,
2004) seminal works well illustrated the difficult path
undertaken by policewomen who were bbreaking and
enteringQ one of the most stereotypically masculine
occupations in society.
It was understandable that an increasingly more
diversified workforce could bring both incentives and
problems. Stress management became a critical element
in building a healthy, effective, and efficient workforce.
The highly stressful nature of police work and its
overwhelming impacts on both the well being of offi-
cers and the welfares of citizenry they served were well
documented (e.g., Violanti & Aron, 1993; Wexler &
Logan, 1983). More recently, researchers began to
focus more on studying the impact of group status
(mainly gender-based) on police stress. Some research-
ers examined gender, workplace problems, and stress in
policing (e.g., Morash & Haarr, 1995) while others
explored the different impacts of job-related stressors
and coping mechanisms on male and female officer
stresses (e.g., He et al., 2002). Expanding beyond the
investigation of gender effects, researchers looked fur-
ther into the interactions of gender and race in search
for more tailored strategies to cope with police occu-
pational stress (e.g., Haarr & Morash, 1999).
African-American officers and stress
There was indeed very little empirical research avail-
able on the stress of African-American police officers.
Some theoretical discussions, however, did exist in
police literature. Two major views could be identified
in the literature. The first suggested that stress experi-
enced by African-American officers could be traced to
their social status in a racist society (Dulaney, 1996).
The lengthy history of discrimination by the police
against minorities was a particular source of stress for
minority officers, who were often entangled bbetween
loyalty to the police department and obligation to their
raceQ (Dulaney, 1996, p. 73). More extreme views
suggested that African-American officers were protec-
tors of the White society and traitors to their own race
(Alex, 1976).
N. He et al. / Journal of Criminal Justice 33 (2005) 535–547
536

Page 3

The second view focused more on factors at the
individual level. It saw the traditional culture in police
departments as a potential stressor (Leinen, 1984).
Researchers argued that, for African-American officers,
the police work environment was both hostile and
alienating (e.g., Walker, 1985). Consequently, Afri-
can-American officers often perceived racial integration
as a major issue that hindered the creation of a healthy
and friendly police work environment (Toch, 2002).
Therefore, a likely hypothesis could be stated that
African-American officers might experience higher
level of stress than White officers.
Female officers and stress
Researchers have found that gender is a highly
relevant factor in examining the sources and coping
strategies of stress among police officers (Brown &
Campbell, 1990; Haarr & Morash, 1999; He et al.,
2002; Pendergrass & Ostrove, 1984). After all, female
officers have become a visible token group in policing,
easily singled out for pressure (Wherle-Einhorn, 1980).
Gender roles and gender-appropriate behavior consti-
tute two major sources of stress for them. Previous
literature revealed that female police officers were like-
ly to encounter higher levels of harassment, overt hos-
tility, and other negative social interactions on the job
(Balkin, 1988; Deaux & Ullman, 1983; Martin, 1980,
1990, 2004). Similar to the situation of African-
American officers, a common explanation for this
maltreatment of female officers is that police organi-
zational culture in general is adversarial to them. Both
the internal organizational culture and external work
environment are often less favorable to female offi-
cers, consequently, female police officers are likely to
experience more stress than their male counterparts.
Dual minority status: African-American female officers
and stress
Researchers suggested that the interaction of race
and gender has made African-American female officers
a bdual minorityQ in police organizations. White male
officers, African-American male officers, as well as
White female officers often resent the bdual statusQ of
the African-American female officers when it comes to
promotions (Martin, 1994). In a sense, African-
American female officers are considered as the truly
bprotectedQ minority in a police agency. Martin (2004)
provided a timely and comprehensive assessment of
the interactive effects of race and gender on women
police officers. She described vividly how racism
separates White female officers from African-Ameri-
can female officers and how sexism divides African-
American male officers from African-American female
officers (Martin, 2004). Logically, African-American
female officers ought to face greater levels of stress.
This contention, although examined in some qualita-
tive studies with limited interviewees, has not been
tested in any large-scale quantitative study.
Dynamic correlates of police stress
In contrast to the limited discussions on the impact
of race and gender on police stress, there was a rich
body of literature that focused on a number of dynamic
explanatory factors. Police work is often regarded as
one of the most stressful occupations (Alkus &
Padesky, 1983; Burke, 1993; Dantzer, 1987; Eisenburg,
1975; Goodman, 1990; Kroes, 1985; Loo, 1984; Reese,
1986; Selye, 1978; Violanti, 1985). Based on police
stress research conducted in the past three decades,
some of the most salient correlates can be identified.
They include: various aspects of police work environ-
ment, work-family conflict, and individual coping
mechanisms (He et al., 2002).
One of the major sources of stress for police officers
is related to their unique work environment. The dan-
gers associated with police work are usually highlighted
in surveys of police officers wherein they are asked to
rank-order a list of possible stressors. Not surprisingly,
the violent death of a partner or having to take a life in
the line of duty is typically among the top stressors
identified by officers (Coman & Evans, 1991; Violanti
& Aron, 1993). Other stressors often identified by
police officers include making violent arrests, and at-
tending gruesome crime scenes (Violanti & Aron,
1993). Overall, violent and unpredictable incidents in-
volved in police work are commonly considered a
leading source of police stress (He et al., 2002).
The perceived (negative) individual experience in a
police department was another major source of stress
for officers (Violanti & Aron, 1993). Studies often
identified the unique characteristics of police agencies
as a significant factor predicting stress among police
officers (Brown & Campbell, 1990; Martelli, Waters, &
Martelli, 1989; Maslach, 1982; Spielberger, Westberry,
Grier, & Greenfield, 1981). Organizational stressors
could include events precipitated by police administra-
tion that were troublesome to members of the organi-
zation (e.g., blockage of the flow of information,
impersonal rules, and the chain of command). Given
the bureaucratic nature of police organizations, indivi-
dual input at the workplace was often reduced to min-
N. He et al. / Journal of Criminal Justice 33 (2005) 535–547
537

Page 4

imum (Coman & Evans, 1991). Furthermore, Golem-
biewski and Kim (1990) argued that the quasi-military
nature of police organizations led to alienation among
police officers. Police officers were, on the one hand,
required to exercise considerable discretion while on
duty. On the other hand, they were tightly controlled by
the plethora of administrative rules surrounding their
work.
A substantial body of literature was now available
addressing the important role of peer support and trust
of co-workers and supervisors in buffering the effects of
stress stemming from police work (Dignam, Barrera, &
West, 1986; Ganster, Fusilier, & Mayes, 1986; House,
1981; House & Wells, 1978; LaRocco, House, &
French, 1980; Morris, Marybeth, & DuMont, 1999;
Patterson, 2003; Quick, Murphy, Hurrell, & Orman,
1992). Some researchers argued that peer support was
especially salient to police officers for two reasons
(Ellison & Genz, 1983; Graf, 1986): (1) police officers’
lives literally depend on each other in dangerous situa-
tions; and (2) police work-related stress may only be
completely comprehensible to fellow police officers.
Graf (1986) found that police officers who perceived
themselves as having a strong work-related peer sup-
port system perceived their jobs as being less stressful
(also see LaRocco et al., 1980).
Another major source of stress in police work
involves work-family relationships.
work-family conflict had long recognized that the per-
sonal lives of police officers were often affected by the
unique nature of police work which, in turn, made
officers perceive their job as more stressful (Galinsky
et al., 1993, 1996; Hughes, Galinsky, & Morris, 1992).
Work-family conflict was commonly identified as an
important predictor of psychological burnout among
police officers (Burke, 1988, 1993; Jackson & Maslach,
1982).
Individuals who are exposed to stressful conditions
do not necessarily suffer the same outcomes (Pearlin,
1989). Coping and social support are often regarded as
among the most significant mediators. Although coping
literature was replete with varied definitions of coping,
most researchers agreed that only the conscious use of a
cognitive or behavioral strategy that was intended to
reduce perceived stress or improve a person’s resources
to deal with stress reflected the coping process (Anshel,
2000; Evans, Coman, Stanley, & Burrows, 1993; He et
al., 2002). A review of the literature on stress revealed
that individuals usually take two approaches when
attempting to reduce stress (Burke, 1993). The first
approach focuses on constructive coping strategies,
which are aimed at gaining family and social support
Research on
from family and friends in order to reduce stress. The
second approach involves various destructive coping
strategies such as increased drinking, smoking, or stay-
ing away from friends and family members.
Haarr and Morash (1999) closely examined the ra-
cial and gender patterns in police coping mechanisms.
They found significant gender and racial group diffe-
rences. Haarr and Morash (1999, p. 303) found that
bwomen cope with stress by using escape and by
keeping written records more often than men.Q The
authors also reported that African-American officers
rely on strong relationships with fellow minority offi-
cers when coping with stress.
Overall, the constructive coping mechanism is con-
sidered to be the more appropriate approach to reduce
stress. Studies indicated that improper or maladaptive
coping often contributed to rather than reduced the
intensity of perceived stress (Aldwin, 1994; Lazarus,
1990). Failure to cope effectively with stress can lead to
long-term and chronic stress (Loo, 1984).
Methods
The data used in these analyses came from Ger-
shon’s (1999) study titled bPolice stress and domestic
violence in police families in Baltimore, Maryland,
1997–1999.Q This data set was acquired from Inter-
university Consortium for Political and Social Re-
search’s (ICPSR #2976) website. This study was a
survey of 1,106 sworn police officers from each of
the nine Baltimore City police precincts and from the
Baltimore City police headquarters.1Self-administered
questionnaires were distributed to police officers who
were eligible for the project during roll call at each
shift. The purpose of the original study was to investi-
gate police stress and domestic violence among police
officers. The instrument included questions in four
areas: (1) symptoms of psychological and physical
stress and likely stressors; (2) perceived current stress;
(3) coping strategies; and (4) health outcomes. The
reported response rate was 68 percent in the original
study (see Gershon, 1999 for more details).
Dependent variables
The instrument developed to measure police stress in
Gershon’s (1999) survey was adopted with minor mo-
dification from the Brief Symptom Inventory (BSI), a
brief form of the Symptom Check List 90 (Derogatis &
Melisaratos, 1983). The original BSI instrument was
comprised of fifty-three items, which measured nine
dimensions of psychological and physical symptoms
N. He et al. / Journal of Criminal Justice 33 (2005) 535–547
538

Page 5

of stress. Each of the items was rated on a five-point
scale of distress ranging from not at all (0) to extremely
troublesome (4). The BSI was developed in 1975 and
designed to assess the psychological symptom patterns
of community residents, and psychiatric and medical
patients (Derogatis & Savitz, 1999). Its psychometric
validity was tested and sustained in numerous empirical
studies reported in the U.S. (for a review see Derogatis
& Savitz, 1999).
Gershon’s (1999) survey included three of the nine
dimensions of stress symptoms and used a four-point
scale of distress ranging from never (1) to always (4).2
The first dimension was somatization, a scale that
reflected the psychological distress arising from percep-
tion of bodily dysfunction. Complaints typically fo-
cused on cardiovascular, gastrointestinal, respiratory,
and other systems with strong autonomic mediation.
Aches and pains, and discomfort localized in the
gross musculature were also frequent manifestations.
The second dimension was anxiety, a scale on which
general indicators such as restless, nervousness, and
panic attacks were represented. The third dimension
was depression, a scale that reflected a broad range of
the elements constituting the clinical depressive syn-
drome. Symptoms of dysphoric effect and mood were
represented, as were signs of withdrawal of interest in
activities, lack of motivation, and loss of vital energy
(for a detailed discussion of dimensions see Derogatis,
Lipman, & Covi, 1973).
Explanatory variables
Static variables
Three dummy variables were constructed based on
race and gender statuses. They were: (1) African-
American male officers, (2) White female officers,
and (3) African-American female officers. Based on
the review of literature, the authors hypothesized that
African-American male and female officers and White
female officers would demonstrate higher levels of
psychological stress than White male officers. In par-
ticular, African-American female officers might show
the highest level of stress compared to all the other
three groups due to their bdual minorityQ status. The
dummy variable representing White male officers
served as the reference group.
Dynamic correlates
Six variables were included in three major contexts:
work environment, work-family conflict, and coping
mechanisms. Three variables were used to measure
the unique police work environment characteristics.
First, negative exposures to police work was used to
measure the dangerous or negative nature of events that
police officers experienced at workplace (e.g., making a
violent arrest, shooting someone, attending a police
funeral, etc.). Second, camaraderie was a measure of
peer support and trust within a police officer’s imme-
diate work groups (e.g., cooperation between units and
trust between partners). And third, unfairness measured
officers’ perceptions of treatment as an officer both
within the context of bureaucratic nature of police
organization and by the media.
Spillover measured the work-family conflict and its
impact on the psychological stress of an individual
officer. Unhappiness in personal life and burnout at
the workplace are thought to have significant influence
on an individual’s levels of stress (e.g., too physically
and emotionally exhausted to deal with spouse/signifi-
cant other, treating family the way as treating suspects,
etc.).
Two measures of coping mechanisms were also used
in the current study: (1) constructive coping was a
measure of direct, positive, and active responses to
work-related stress (e.g., talk to spouse, relative, and
friends about the problem, make a plan of action and
follow it, pray for guidance and strength, etc.), and (2)
destructive coping measured the negative and avoid-
ance approaches to work-related stress (e.g., stay away
from everyone, yell or shout at spouse/significant other,
a family member or a professional, smashing things,
smoking, drinking, gambling, pretending nothing is
bothering them, etc.). See Appendix A for a detailed
listing of all the items included for the aforementioned
explanatory variables.
Demographic variables
Five demographic variables were used as control
measures in this analysis: marital status (1 = married),
education status (1 = less than B.A. degree), rank
(1 = non-supervisory officers), prior military experience
(1 = yes) and years of service. Existing police stress
literature tended to suggest that, among police officers,
marital status (Horwitz, McLaughlin, & White, 1997),
education (Ayres & Flanagan, 1992), rank (Brown &
Campbell, 1990; Kaufmann & Beehr, 1989; Robinson,
1981) and years of service on the job (Evans, Coman, &
Stanley, 1992; Fielding, 1987; Gudjonsson & Adlam,
1985; Patterson, 1992) were relevant characteristics
associated with both exposure to stressors and experi-
ences of stress.3Other studies, however, found either
inconsistent or weak relationships between police stress
and demographic characteristics (e.g., Burke, 1993;
Burke & Richardsen, 1993; Maslach, 1982).
N. He et al. / Journal of Criminal Justice 33 (2005) 535–547
539