Cultural differences in beliefs and practices concerning talk to children.
ABSTRACT Sporadic observations of non-Western culture groups have made it clear that the large literature on child-directed talk primarily describes Western parent-child interaction patterns. The current study used a survey instrument to contrast the childrearing beliefs and related verbal interaction practices of Chinese and Western mothers of preschoolers. Stepwise regression procedures indicated that culture differences in ratings for 6 belief statements and 5 interaction patterns accounted for 66-67% of the total variance. Discriminate functions derived from the regression analyses identified members of the two culture groups with 94-95% accuracy. The findings call into question the advice commonly given to parents of children with language delay and point to specific areas where practices more harmonious with Chinese culture could be recommended.
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ABSTRACT: Myriad studies support a relation between parental beliefs and behaviors. This study adds to the literature by focusing on the specific relationship between parental goals and their communication with toddlers. Do parents with different goals talk about different topics with their children? Parents' goals for their 30-month-olds were gathered using semi-structured interviews with 47 primary caregivers, whereas the topics of conversations that took place during interactions were investigated via coding videotapes of observations in the home. Parents' short- and long-term goals spanned several areas including educational, social-emotional, developmental and pragmatic goals. Parental utterances most frequently focused on pragmatic issues, followed by play and academic topics. Parents who mentioned long-term educational goals devoted more of their talk to academic topics and less to pragmatic topics, controlling for socio-economic status. Thus, parental goals differ and these differences relate to the conversations parents engage in with their children.Infant and Child Development 01/2011; 20(5):475-494. · 1.20 Impact Factor
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ABSTRACT: While the population of bilinguals and English learners continues to rise in our schools, teachers often feel frustrated with their lack of knowledge about best practices to support their multilingual students’ language, socio-emotional and cognitive development. Teachers’ frustration is compounded by the push for assessments in the early years. The aim of this 24-month ethnographic case study is to explore what information linguistically diverse families hold about their bilingual children’s language development and use, and how this information can help teachers (1) understand formal and informal assessment data, and (2) create linguistically appropriate support for young bilinguals and their families. The research was drawn from an ethnographic case study of a dual language (Italian-English) preschool in a major metropolitan area. The private dual language preschool provided education for ages 2.8 years to 6 years of age. The families who participated in this study were primarily immigrants, bilingual and middle class.Early Childhood Education Journal 11/2013;
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ABSTRACT: Discussion of children's play in international and diverse communities requires careful consideration of social, cultural and political contexts impacting children's lives, as well as recognition of the complexities revealed when these variables are identified and analysed. Using diverse conceptual frameworks represented in the research literature on play – traditional developmental, sociocultural, human rights and poststructural – we analyse examples of children's conceptions about play and retrospective interviews about adults' play memories drawn from two research studies. As a result, we illuminate tensions that exist in global discussions of children's play. Using the goal of improving social justice and equity in children's lives as a foundational framework guiding our analysis and discussion of children's play, we suggest that concluding what is in the best interests of children involves learning to engage in difficult conversations where tensions, complexities and contingencies are objectively and openly explored. There were 7–8 sisters, and we all played catch with fruit stones. We never played with boys … daughters were not allowed to play outside … At 12 years old, we had no time to play; we had to take care of younger brothers and our younger brothers' children. We used to serve the children and men. At 10 and 11, we used to play, but thereafter, we don't. (Tasneem, F, 79, India, Global Play Memories) We used to play with toy guns running around outside the house pretending to shoot each other. We also used to climb a lot of trees. I remember digging in the dirt by a graveyard that had obviously been piled up from dug graves and finding an old watch, at the time I didn't understand it to be a bit macabre. Inside I would usually play with Lego and make up whole cities.Early Childhood Development and Care. 01/2013;