International Journal of Transitional Justice Impact Factor & Information

Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)

Journal description

Current impact factor: 1.10

Impact Factor Rankings

Additional details

5-year impact 1.26
Cited half-life 3.20
Immediacy index 0.46
Eigenfactor 0.00
Article influence 0.34
ISSN 1752-7724
OCLC 162450405
Material type Internet resource
Document type Internet Resource, Computer File, Journal / Magazine / Newspaper

Publisher details

Oxford University Press (OUP)

  • Pre-print
    • Author can archive a pre-print version
  • Post-print
    • Author cannot archive a post-print version
  • Restrictions
    • 2 years embargo
  • Conditions
    • Pre-print can only be posted prior to acceptance
    • Pre-print must be accompanied by set statement (see link)
    • Pre-print must not be replaced with post-print, instead a link to published version with amended set statement should be made
    • Pre-print on author's personal website, employer website, free public server or pre-prints in subject area
    • Post-print on institutional repositories or central repositories
    • Publisher's version/PDF cannot be used
    • Published source must be acknowledged
    • Must link to publisher version
    • Set phrase to accompany archived copy (see policy)
    • Eligible authors may deposit in OpenDepot
    • Publisher last contacted on 19/02/2015
    • This policy is an exception to the default policies of 'Oxford University Press (OUP)'
  • Classification
    ​ yellow

Publications in this journal

  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: Although witnesses are indispensable to the operation and success of war crimes courts, little is known about their motivations for agreeing to testify. This article advances existing knowledge by drawing on findings from interviews conducted with 200 witnesses after they gave evidence in the Special Court for Sierra Leone. Participants were asked to describe their reasons for testifying. Content analysis was used to examine the variety and frequency of responses. Overall, 18 conceptually distinct motivations were mentioned, with most witnesses reporting multiple motivations. The response given most frequently was ‘to denounce wrongs committed against me during the war,’ followed by ‘to contribute to public knowledge about the war.’ Desires for retributive justice (e.g., accountability, punishment), and to fulfill a moral duty to other victims, were each mentioned by approximately one in four witnesses. Other key motivations included establishing the truth and narrating their stories. Motivations differed by gender, age, victimization status, side (prosecution versus defense) and trial. The results support the idea that witnesses value the opportunity to publicly denounce atrocities committed against themselves and others. The findings point to both congruities and incongruities between the aims of witnesses and the goals of war crimes courts. Further, the findings suggest that there may be two broad, overarching aspects of the decision to testify: those that are primarily geared toward helping oneself and those that are primarily geared toward helping others. Pragmatically, the findings can enhance efforts to support witnesses in preparing for and completing their testimonies.
    International Journal of Transitional Justice 11/2014; 8(3):426-451. DOI:10.1093/ijtj/iju019
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    ABSTRACT: After Egypt's January 2011 revolution ousted former President Hosni Mubarak, a conversation began amongst a number of international and Egyptian human rights groups regarding the need to promote international transitional justice precedents within the Egyptian context and to raise public awareness of them. This note argues that, in many ways, the Egyptian revolution surpassed the bounds of reformist transitional justice agendas. It begins by identifying two specific limitations in their scope: regarding the accountability of external actors and regarding the guarantee of economic and social rights. The article then describes the more far-reaching conceptions for change that were communicated in the key demands and subsequent campaigns of the 2011 revolution. Finally, it argues that Egypt's transition itself has stalled, as the ruling military council lacks the political will to propel transitional justice, rendering such discussions premature. It recommends that international practitioners take their cues from Egyptian actors negotiating these challenges, rather than proceeding without sufficiently questioning the context.
    International Journal of Transitional Justice 07/2012; 6(2):318-330. DOI:10.1093/ijtj/ijs011
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    ABSTRACT: 1 Through an exchange between members of community-based organizations that docu-ment human rights violations in northwest Colombia and northern Uganda, this article examines multiple strategies of memory making in which an individual or a collective creates a safe social space to give testimony and re-story past events of violence or resistance. In settings of chronic insecurity, such acts constitute a reservoir of living documents to preserve memories, give testimony, contest impunity and convey the meaning, or the 'truthfulness,' of survivors. The living archive disrupts conventional assumptions about what is documentation or witnessing in the field of transitional justice and introduces new interdisciplinary tools to the field with which to learn from and listen differently to survivors.
    International Journal of Transitional Justice 11/2011; 5(3):1-22. DOI:10.1093/ijtj/ijr025
  • International Journal of Transitional Justice 11/2010; 4(3):477-496. DOI:10.1093/ijtj/ijq017
  • International Journal of Transitional Justice 06/2010; DOI:10.1093/ijtj/ijq008
  • International Journal of Transitional Justice 06/2010; 4(2). DOI:10.1093/ijtj/ijq007
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    ABSTRACT: This article discusses the advancement and constraints of gender justice for women victims of armed conflict and forced displacement in Colombia, with special reference to land restitution. Women constitute the overwhelming majority of rights claimants under the 2005 Justice and Peace Law and their rights have been supported by rulings of the Constitutional Court. Government response, however, has been insufficient. Women's claims are part of a broader political debate on the limits of victimhood and the costs of reparation, in which the need for restitution of land is reluctantly acknowledged. Displaced women have been more vulnerable to violent land seizures and they face greater security risks than men when attempting to reclaim their land. In this context, what approaches can Colombia use in designing a gender-sensitive land restitution program that is transformative of gender relations? The authors argue that special protection measures, land deeds for women and better access to justice must be included in transitional justice processes as a means of fostering gender-equitable development.
    International Journal of Transitional Justice 06/2010; 4(2). DOI:10.1093/ijtj/ijq009
  • International Journal of Transitional Justice 06/2010; 4(2). DOI:10.1093/ijtj/ijq011
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    ABSTRACT: 1 Transitional justice strategies are frequently considered to be necessary components of postconflict reconciliation processes, particularly in societies that have been deeply divided by histories of intrastate violence between antagonistic identity groups. Draw-ing on recent social psychological research into the dynamics of intergroup reconciliation, this article contends that the transitional justice strategies most successful in promoting postconflict reconciliation are those that take account of the collectivized nature of mass violence in divided societies and that seek to foster instrumental, socioemotional and dis-tributive forms of 'social learning' among former enemies. This framework is used to assess the unique local programme of 'decentralized' transitional justice that emerged in North-ern Ireland following the Belfast Agreement of 1998 and its contribution to ongoing pro-cesses of reconciliation between local nationalist and unionist communities. The article concludes by considering what insights this analysis of Northern Ireland's decentralized local process might have for the broader field of transitional justice and for the design of future justice interventions in deeply divided societies.
    International Journal of Transitional Justice 06/2010; 4(2):1-23. DOI:10.1093/ijtj/ijq002
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    ABSTRACT: 1Truth seeking in postwar Guatemala is a political battleground in which perpetrators intent on guarding against accountability confront victims’ associations equally intent on exposing abuses endured during the country's 36-year armed conflict. Having stage-managed the peace negotiations that established the restrictive parameters of Guatemala's Commission for Historical Clarification (CEH), army officers and guerilla leaders ceded control of truth seeking to Commission staff and their civil society partners, even as the latter mobilized to push the CEH to its investigative limits. The CEH final report's finding that the army had committed genocide galvanized both sides. Victims’ associations insist on more truth alongside justice and reparations, while army perpetrators reject incriminating Commission findings. The Guatemalan case reveals how truth initiatives are at once politicized and polarizing and how politics interfere with a truth commission's effort to produce a consensus history, end violence or afford reconciliation. While it confirms that confronting the past risks undermining the labor of transition architects, it also suggests that these may be necessary evils that could eventually contribute to transforming and strengthening democracy.
    International Journal of Transitional Justice 06/2010; 4(1). DOI:10.1093/ijtj/ijq005
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    ABSTRACT: 1 This article argues that truth commissions as a transitional justice mechanism have fallen short of what is achievable within the context of their own aspirations, particularly with respect to cases involving ethnicity-based violence. This failure is primarily due to the struc-tural application of the narrative process, where (1) the commissions shy away from ex-ploring the motivations behind violent actions; (2) victims' and perpetrators' voices are restrained to fit into collective accounts; and (3) victims' voices are elevated over perpe-trators' in the memory-making aspect of the commissions' work. This article asserts that truth commissions must focus on personal narratives over grand narratives, de-essentialize the 'victim' and the 'perpetrator' and place victims' and perpetrators' narratives on equal footing with respect to the collective memory project. Governments must allow more time and resources for truth commissions to delve into the nuances of conflict in order to create a more feasible platform for realistic reconciliation and the possibility of enduring peace.
    International Journal of Transitional Justice 06/2010; 4:275-289. DOI:10.1093/ijtj/ijq010
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    ABSTRACT: 1The international community accepts that peace, justice and development are indivisible properties of human freedom and thus wants a more coordinated approach to postconflict recovery. Today, transitions to democracy are typically launched through constitutional negotiations and anchored in efforts to fix broken state institutions or create new ones. These are settled strategies for addressing the social and economic causes of conflict in troubled societies. Transitional justice (TJ) has been slow to appreciate or capitalize on the inherent potential of these political processes to further justice and peace. By not taking a wider view of the opportunities for change that are presented by the transitional moment, TJ limits its capacity to construct the institutions that must work if a return to conflict is to be prevented. With this in mind, prominent practitioners have begun to look at how to extend TJ's brief to include a wider set of issues linked to social justice. They are also looking for concepts and tools to bridge the divide between the field and related disciplines. This article presents South Africa's transition as a case study of this wider view and is written from the perspective of a practitioner who was involved in building the post-apartheid democratic state. It aims to contribute to the current debate about TJ's stake in postconflict transitions.
    International Journal of Transitional Justice 06/2010; 4(2). DOI:10.1093/ijtj/ijq003
  • International Journal of Transitional Justice 06/2010; DOI:10.1093/ijtj/ijq001
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    ABSTRACT: 1This article analyzes the advances and limitations of transitional justice efforts in democratic Chile through the examination of a key political actor: the armed forces. The military's earlier attitude of denial and noncooperation regarding the human rights violations of the Pinochet dictatorship (1973–1990) was slowly replaced by dialogue with civilians, institutional recognition of violations and limited cooperation with courts. While strategic interactions with other political actors and generational/personnel change stand out as variables explaining the military's behavioral and ideational transformation, the article highlights a crucial third factor: the pluralization of truth and justice mechanisms, both domestic and overseas, that opened up juridical, political and societal fields of contestation against impunity and amnesia. None of Chile's major political actors, including the military, could exert full control over these multiple channels of truth and justice, and the result was the adoption of new strategies and legitimizing discourses more in line with the human rights norm. The military reoriented its stance on human rights in the context of Pinochet's arrest in London in 1998, a changing political environment and the judicial battle over amnesties for the dictatorship's abuses.
    International Journal of Transitional Justice 03/2010; 4(1):47-66. DOI:10.1093/ijtj/ijp025