Global Crime (Global Crime)

Publisher: Taylor & Francis (Routledge)

Journal description

With a new name, focus and editorial team, Global Crime will build upon the foundations laid by Transnational Organized Crime to consider serious and organised crime, from its origins to the present. Its focus is deliberately broad and multi-disciplinary, its first aim being to make the best scholarship on organised, serious and transnational crime available to specialists and non-specialists alike. It endorses no particular orthodoxy and will draw on authors from a variety of disciplines, including history, sociology, economics, political science, anthropology and area studies. Furthermore, it covers not just organised crime in the conventional sense, but the whole range of criminal activities, from corruption and illegal market transactions to the shadowy corners where states, terrorist movements and similar actors engage in criminal conspiracy. Global Crime will be published four times per year, and will include substantive research articles, shorter pieces highlighting research in progress and field reports from law-enforcement officials and conference reports. It will also provide unrivalled review coverage of new books and literature on organised crime around the world. All research articles will go through blind peer review in order to maintain the highest academic standards. The editors welcome contributions on any topic relating to organised criminality, its history, activities, relations with the state, its penetration of the economy and its perception in popular culture. Global Crime also seeks submissions in related areas such as corruption, crime and women's studies, illegal migration, terrorism, illicit markets, violence, police studies, and the process of state building. Submissions of articles in the area of methodology are especially welcome. In addition to research articles, the editors encourage submission of conference reports and review papers, shorter pieces on methodological advances or research findings field reports from law enforcement officials, which can give a vivid, non-scholarly description of particular investigations and cases.

Current impact factor: 0.00

Impact Factor Rankings

Additional details

5-year impact 0.00
Cited half-life 0.00
Immediacy index 0.00
Eigenfactor 0.00
Article influence 0.00
Website Global Crime website
Other titles Global crime (Online)
ISSN 1744-0572
OCLC 58876313
Material type Document, Periodical, Internet resource
Document type Internet Resource, Computer File, Journal / Magazine / Newspaper

Publisher details

Taylor & Francis (Routledge)

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    • Author can archive a pre-print version
  • Post-print
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    • On author's personal website or departmental website immediately
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    • Set statements to accompany deposits (see policy)
    • The publisher will deposit in on behalf of authors to a designated institutional repository including PubMed Central, where a deposit agreement exists with the repository
    • SSH: Social Science and Humanities
    • Publisher last contacted on 25/03/2014
    • This policy is an exception to the default policies of 'Taylor & Francis (Routledge)'
  • Classification
    ​ green

Publications in this journal

  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: Social network analysis (SNA) is believed to be capable of revealing significant insights into crime and terror groups, including identifying important individuals and unique approaches to disruption. However, SNA has a number of theoretical and practical limitations, particularly when applied to ‘dark’ networks. While most analysts certainly acknowledge at least some of these limitations, we need to know more about their potential impact in a crime intelligence context. This article aims to go some way towards that end by placing greater scrutiny on the problem of ‘fuzzy boundaries’ when applied to small group networks. SNA is applied to the groups responsible for the 7 July 2005 London bombings and the 21 July 2005 attempted London bombings. The article concludes that while SNA is a valuable tool for understanding crime and terror groups, the age-old problem of fuzzy boundaries can have a profound impact on the analysis of small dynamic networks.
    Global Crime 03/2015; 16(2):104-122. DOI:10.1080/17440572.2015.1005363
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    ABSTRACT: This article analyses the cohesion of Addiopizzo’s anti-racketeering campaign in Palermo, Sicily. By supporting entrepreneurs who refuse to pay for protection and by encouraging consumers to support these companies through their consumer power, Addiopizzo has mobilised about 900 companies and 11,000 citizens. Taking social capital theory as a point of departure, this article explores the values of trust and norms of reciprocity among entrepreneurs who joined Addiopizzo’s anti-racketeering campaign. In addition, it analyses their solidarity with colleagues who are victims of extortion. Shared values express a stronger commitment to a movement, reinforce internal solidarity, strengthen the collective identity and reduce the risk of free riders and dropouts. The article reveals not only similarities but also important differences between various groups of joiners. The analysis builds on a unique data-set consisting of questionnaires collected from 277 entrepreneurs who joined the campaign between 2005 and 2011.
    Global Crime 02/2015; DOI:10.1080/17440572.2015.1013210
  • Global Crime 01/2015; DOI:10.1080/17440572.2014.999453
  • Global Crime 01/2015; 16(1). DOI:10.1080/17440572.2014.977534
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    ABSTRACT: Although human trafficking for sexual exploitation is a frequently discussed area in current research, especially on the way that human traffickers control their victims, a recurrent problem is the lack of empirical basis. The present study examines control methods (or conditions) used against 137 victims of human trafficking for sexual exploitation. A multidimensional scaling analysis (smallest space analysis (SSA-I)) of 23 control methods (and conditions) derived from a content analysis of police files from the Netherlands revealed three distinct forms of control. These could be interpreted in terms of Canter’s Victim Role model that has been the basis for differentiating offending styles in other violent interpersonal offences. Further analysis showed a relationship between these control styles and different types of prostitution. The three Victim as Object, Victim as Vehicle and Victim as Person modes are consistent with different control methods identified in previous research.
    Global Crime 01/2015; 16(1):34-49. DOI:10.1080/17440572.2014.979915
  • Global Crime 01/2015; 16(1). DOI:10.1080/17440572.2014.977536
  • Global Crime 01/2015; 16(1). DOI:10.1080/17440572.2014.977535
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    ABSTRACT: In an extended comment on work by this paper’s authors, Gustafsson in a previous issue of this journal reaches scathing judgements on Russia’s arbitrazh (or commercial) courts and draws strong conclusions about the prospects for the rule of law in Russia. He concludes that litigants use the courts because they can bribe the judges. His paper revives old tales about the 1990s that we showed previously were myths. We examine Gustafsson’s argument both conceptually and empirically. We demonstrate that this argument rests on two erroneous assumptions: that the use of legal institutions equates with trust in these institutions and that strategies for use of law are not context-dependent. We show that Gustafsson’s empirical specification is not uniquely related to a single theory and indeed that one interpretation of his results is that enterprises use the courts because they perceive less corruption there than in other venues, a theory diametrically opposite to the one Gustaffson chose emphasise. Using a rich data set collected in Russia in 1997, we are led to the tentative conclusion that firms turned to the arbitrazh courts because of the relative quality of this institution.
    Global Crime 01/2015; 16(1). DOI:10.1080/17440572.2014.959328
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    ABSTRACT: John Hagan and Wenona Rymond-Richmond proposed a collective action theory of genocide in their book ‘Darfur and the Crime of Genocide’. They then tested their theory using data from the Atrocities Documentation Survey conducted in Chad. The theory explains the Darfur genocide well and is supported by empirical data. Since there is little criminological theoretical work on genocide, the collective action theory was a great step forward. The next step in the process should be to see if the theory is generalisable to other instances of genocide. There may be much to learn in testing Hagan and Rymond-Richmond’s theory for generalisability including identifying any modifications that may advance the current theoretical work on the criminology of genocide.
    Global Crime 01/2015; 16(1). DOI:10.1080/17440572.2014.956167
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    ABSTRACT: This paper introduces the concept of a policy network existing between intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) participating in the international policy-making process of anti-money laundering (AML) and the combating of financing of terrorism (CFT) regulations. It begins by introducing the challenges to global governance presented by organised crime and terrorist organisations, as well as the ways in which the international community is responding by means of following the money. Firstly, the paper defines which actors are involved in the process of policy-making activities and how their actions constitute a ‘mirror’ crime–terror nexus. Secondly, the role of IGOs and their ability to form policy networks is highlighted as increasingly important in the tackling of transnational threats and as an innovative response mechanism. Finally the paper suggests that more needs to be done in order to address the issues of accountability that stem from addressing global threats through the AML/CFT network.
    Global Crime 10/2014; 15. DOI:10.1080/17440572.2014.937429
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    ABSTRACT: The present contribution critically engages with the theoretical and empirical nexus between ‘crime’ and ‘terrorism’. The Crime–Terror Nexus is understood first as the increasing cooperation between terrorist groups and criminal organisations, and second as the merging of terror/crime identities. I argue that the concept of the Crime–Terror Nexus reifies the identities of both criminal and terrorist organisations by pre-assigning exclusively economic motives to the former and exclusively political motives to the latter, even though in reality these categories, which underpin the concept of the nexus, are becoming increasingly blurred. This contribution draws upon concepts from political theory to unpack the identities of these violent non-state actors. In accordance with Carl Schmitt’s understanding of the political and of sovereignty, these identities can be understood as forms of ‘illicit sovereignty’. Through an empirical analysis of the discourse of the Sicilian Mafia, I show how the Mafia constructs its identity in relation to the Italian state by contesting the sovereignty of its ‘licit’ counterpart.
    Global Crime 10/2014; 15. DOI:10.1080/17440572.2014.924856
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    ABSTRACT: In the case of Central Asia, linkages between crime and terrorism are too complex to be explained through the framework of a ‘crime–terror nexus’. This article distinguishes locally embedded militant networks from transnational movements and demonstrates their different linkages to organised crime. Groups categorised as international terrorist actors have limited linkages to organised crime, while locally embedded groups actively seek to control both the moral order and the political economy of their locality. In most cases, however, the most productive relationship for criminal networks is with the state. This ‘state–crime nexus’ has more analytical utility than a framework that links crime to terrorism, but it suffers from a tendency to sideline other social actors. A research agenda that priorities the local dynamics of interactions between criminal networks, militant ideologies, society and the state is likely to produce more nuanced analysis than an over-reliance on these binary approaches.
    Global Crime 10/2014; 15. DOI:10.1080/17440572.2014.927764
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    ABSTRACT: Existing threat assessment analyses of crime and terrorism rely on a series of indicators, first and foremost violence. However, these approaches tend to neglect local specificities. In Central Asia and especially in the Fergana Valley, there are radical groups that do not necessarily commit violent behaviour, but yet represent a threat for both their operational areas and the international community. How can the threat of radicalisation be assessed when violence is not a characterising element, and what processes and structures should be taken into consideration to this end? Based on primary data collected during field research, this article challenges conventional threat assessments and the crime–terrorism nexus by looking at how the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan and Hizb-ut-Tahrir have infiltrated indigenous social structures. This analysis suggests that the nature of security threats in Central Asia needs to be reconsidered by focusing on the informal institutionalisation of radicalisation, and it proposes the use of alternative threat assessment indicators.
    Global Crime 10/2014; 15. DOI:10.1080/17440572.2014.924406
  • Global Crime 10/2014; 15. DOI:10.1080/17440572.2014.932538
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    ABSTRACT: For the past 10 years, the crime–terror nexus has been used as an analytical model to understand the relationship between organised crime and terrorism in many of the world's (post) conflict and developing countries. Yet, aside from tangent and anecdotal evidence, little academic research has tried to understand how the nexus operates from within Western democracies and the implications that such internal relationships have on its social and economic security. Evidence related to these linkages in the European Union are immense; however, scholarly literature has shied away from these associations and turned their focus primarily on the nexus in more unstable regions, particularly in Latin America, the Middle East, Africa and South East Asia. This article– based on a study funded by the European Parliament in 2013– provides a qualitative analysis of the crime-terror nexus as it functions in Europe (including its border regions) to determine the operational structure of the nexus as well as where and how linkages between organised crime and terrorism interact. Indeed, organised criminal and terrorist groups have found niches of cooperation and ‘marriages of convenience’ in the EU‘s social and political landscape to operate in an efficient and effective manner. Evidence suggests that, although the nexus model provides a sound assessment of these relationships, the proclivities of the region (a relatively stable socio-economic and political environment) keep the relationship between organised crime and terrorism on one end of the spectrum, focusing on alliances, appropriation of tactics, and integration. Moreover, the EU’s relationship to its regional borders and the operational incentives for organised crime and terrorism in these areas, provide ample opportunities for a convergence of organised crime and terrorist financing.
    Global Crime 10/2014; 15. DOI:10.1080/17440572.2014.931227
  • Global Crime 10/2014; 15. DOI:10.1080/17440572.2014.939882
  • Global Crime 10/2014; 15. DOI:10.1080/17440572.2014.918509
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    ABSTRACT: Terrorists use a wide variety of methods to fund their operations, obtain profits and carry out ideologically driven goals. Terrorist organisations have increasingly been linked to product counterfeiting crimes, but evidence for this connection is mostly anecdotal and speculative, lacking systematic empirical evaluation. This study mines open-source data to capture known product counterfeiting schemes linked to known extremists in the United States since 1990. We utilise the Extremist Financial Crime Database (EFCDB) and the Michigan State University Center for Anti-Counterfeiting and Product Protection's (A-CAPP) Incident Database to provide an overview of both the schemes and the individual suspects involved in these crimes. We uncovered ten product counterfeiting schemes linked to terrorism, while the vast majority of suspects involved are non-extremist collaborators motivated by profit, not extremist ideology. These findings indicate the need for policies focusing on criminal networks broadly, expanding beyond restrictive efforts only targeting terrorists.
    Global Crime 10/2014; 15. DOI:10.1080/17440572.2014.919227