Journal of Political Marketing (J Polit Market )


The new Journal of Political Marketing: political campaigns in the new millennium is vital reading for politicians and candidates at every level of office as well as political party officials, political consultants, corporate lobbyists, pollsters, media specialists, journalists, and students and educators in these and related fields. The journal puts exciting articles with a high level of sophistication and detail in comparison to competing publications in your hands, keeping you on top of current developments in political marketing and campaign strategy. The journal's focus will include current and predicted future trends such as the application of Internet marketing techniques to politics, which may well be at the forefront of future politics around the world. The Journal of Political Marketing brings you the expertise of both academics and practitioners as well as professionals in related fields that fall under the umbrella of political marketing. Planned columns include: "Inside the Beltway," a commentary on political events taking place in the United States that deal with Washington insiders; "Campaigns from Around the World," which deals with elections taking place in different countries; "Money and Politics," which addresses the growing issues surrounding money in politics--funding, contributions, salaries, and much more; "Polls and the Press," a column on the current state of affairs of both; "Cyber-democracy," devoted to the application of direct marketing and Internet technologies to politics; "Political Advertising," a discussion of trends and predictions for the future.

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  • Website
    Journal of Political Marketing website
  • Other titles
    Journal of political marketing, Political marketing
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  • Material type
    Periodical, Internet resource
  • Document type
    Journal / Magazine / Newspaper, Internet Resource

Publications in this journal

  • Journal of Political Marketing 01/2015;
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    ABSTRACT: Abstract will be provided by author.
    Journal of Political Marketing 09/2014;
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    ABSTRACT: Do political actors communicate effectively during electoral campaigns? We introduce a novel concept in electoral research, the “perceived effectiveness of political parties' election campaigns.” This evaluation concentrates on the extent to which a party is seen as getting its message across to the voter. Empirical analyses using survey data and a media content analysis during the 2009 European Parliamentary elections show that the more exposed to news about a particular party, the more a voter feels that this party gets its message across. A party's perceived campaign effectiveness is greater when one or two other parties are also mentioned in a particular news item, which may make the party's profile more pronounced. Furthermore, the greater a voter's interest in the campaign, the larger the effect of exposure on party evaluations. The article concludes by discussing party evaluations and campaign effectiveness in the light of our findings.
    Journal of Political Marketing 02/2013; 12(1):100-120.
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    ABSTRACT: The conventional wisdom in the literature about political advertising effects—e.g., going negative risks backlash, stick to issues your party owns—has been derived from studies of general elections. Much less attention has been paid to primary elections, in which a partisan audience may be receptive to attacks on the opposing party and may judge most issues to be handled better by their own party. This experiment (N = 223) sets out to investigate the roles of tone (positive versus comparative), target (none, primary opponent, or general election opponent), and issue ownership (party-owned issue or unowned issue) in responses to political advertising during primary versus general elections. As predicted, partisans in primary election conditions had lower ad and sponsoring candidate evaluations for comparative ads attacking a primary opponent than for positive ads or comparative ads attacking the eventual general election opponent, but there were no differences between the latter two. Independents in the general election conditions responded more positively to positive ads than comparative ads. Issue ownership had no main effects.
    Journal of Political Marketing 07/2011; 10(3):275-296.
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    ABSTRACT: This article explores the uses of Web 2.0 and social media by the 2008 Obama presidential campaign and asks three primary questions: (1) What techniques allowed the Obama campaign to translate online activity to on-the-ground activism? (2) What sociotechnical factors enabled the Obama campaign to generate so many campaign contributions? (3) Did the Obama campaign facilitate the development of an ongoing social movement that will influence his administration and governance? Qualitative data were collected from social media tools used by the Obama ‘08 campaign (e.g., Obama ‘08 Web site, Twitter, Facebook, MySpace, e-mails, iPhone application, and the site created by the Obama-Biden Transition Team) and public information. The authors find that the Obama ‘08 campaign created a nationwide virtual organization that motivated 3.1 million individual contributors and mobilized a grassroots movement of more than 5 million volunteers. Clearly, the Obama campaign utilized these tools to go beyond educating the public and raising money to mobilizing the ground game, enhancing political participation, and getting out the vote. The use of these tools also raised significant national security and privacy considerations. Finally, the Obama-Biden transition and administration utilized many of the same strategies in their attempt to transform political participation and civic engagement.
    Journal of Political Marketing 01/2011; 10(1-2):189-213.
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    ABSTRACT: The presidential candidates alone in 2008 raised a stunning $1.75 billion, which was double the $881 million raised by candidates during the 2004 election cycle and more than triple the $529 million raised by candidates in 2000. 1 FEC; Center for Responsive Politics. View all notes Virtually all of this money was raised from individual contributions. In this article, the authors use survey data to examine the individual characteristics and political attitudes of contributors in 2008.
    Journal of Political Marketing 01/2011; 10(1-2):43-57.
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    ABSTRACT: The central argument developed in this paper is premised on the belief that, in the life experiences of individuals, we find a messy interface between politics and consumption, where, often unintentionally, we take on citizenly roles and have civic experiences in market spaces as consumers. Flowing from this is the emergence of what the author calls the “accidental citizen,” where consumer actions increasingly contain political qualities and, just as importantly, these experiences are acknowledged and reflected on as such. The paper presents an argument that rejects the dominant discourse that contrasts notions of consumer and citizen. This position of contrast is the established position taken in the political science literature that considers citizenship predominantly in terms of legalistically based relations between individuals and the state (Offe, 199956. Offe , C. ( 1999 ). How can we trust our fellow citizens? In M. Warren (Ed.), Democracy and trust . Cambridge : Cambridge University Press . [CrossRef]View all references), and, given that political marketing developed as an addendum to this body of work, the view of consumer contrasting with citizen underpins much political marketing thinking too. The paper, based on more holistic interpretations of the core notions of citizen and consumer, provides examples that illustrate a merging of consumption and politics in the everyday lives of individuals, positing that the accidental citizen can act as a catalyst for further political action, and as such, is an important concept with widespread consequences for the discipline of political marketing.
    Journal of Political Marketing 10/2010; 9(4):276-293.
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    ABSTRACT: The study presents an innovative model for examining both the relationship between the verbal and nonverbal behavior of a political figure in political interviews and the effects of his/her political stature on his/her performance. The uniqueness of the model lies in the simultaneous examination of the two channels of communication, the verbal and nonverbal and the definition of their relationship, e.g., discrepancy when there is a contradiction and inconsistency between the channels, and non-discrepancy when they are consistent and do not contradict each other. The model characterizes patterns of discrepancy and non-discrepancy both in the behavior of the interviewer and in that of the interviewee and relates them to the political standing of the interviewee. The study examined the behavior of Israel's former prime minister Ariel Sharon in television appearances over the past 20 years, in which he had both periods of strong political standing as well as periods of low political status. Findings significantly show that patterns of discrepancy and non-discrepancy between the verbal and the nonverbal messages are indicative of the political stature of the political person being interviewed. The findings have interesting methodological and theoretical implications.
    Journal of Political Marketing 10/2010; 9(4):229-253.
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    ABSTRACT: This 2 × 3 experiment investigated the impact of Web-based political campaigns on viewers. Three distinct sites were created as stimuli: the first is positive about the feature candidate, the second is negative toward his or her opponent, and the third contains both positive and negative messages. Subjects viewed identical Web sites sponsored by the feature candidate and by an interest group. Researchers then tested for potential differences in liking, voting intention, credibility, and apathy. Results show that positive messages lead to higher liking and voting intention. Site sponsorship only makes a difference to credibility of negative information. Additionally, viewers' apathy plays a significant role in political information processing.
    Journal of Political Marketing 10/2010; 9(4):314-329.
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    ABSTRACT: This study explores the use of rhetorical figures in political party slogans in Turkey. In the first stage of the research, a content analysis establishes that the use of rhetorical figures in political party slogans is limited. Irony and metaphor appear to be the two most commonly used rhetorical devices in political party slogans. The Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, or AKP), which came to power in November 2002, 1 year after its establishment, tended to avoid rhetorical figures in its political campaigns in line with its positioning. It is established that the avoidance of the use of rhetorical figures in their slogans has helped the AKP emphasize the image and its positioning—a party of action without demagoguery and gossiping—it wanted to create in the minds of the voters.
    Journal of Political Marketing 07/2010; 9(3):207-224.
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    ABSTRACT: In the face of the high complexity and uncertainty in the political market landscape, developing effective strategies becomes the greatest challenge for political organization managers. Traditional tools for strategy analysis become obsolete in front of the dynamic complexity that governs political organizations and their environments. Drawing knowledge from a literature review on political marketing strategies and models, this paper employs systems thinking and system dynamics principles in order to develop a political marketing modeling framework, whereby the systemic effects of various strategies and policies may be analyzed dynamically. The developed framework gives the opportunity to the researcher or political practitioner to model and simulate the feedback structure of the political marketing problem situation. The framework model draws the interrelationships of the political offer, the adoption rates, and the political market growth and the main influences, such as the sources of attractiveness for the new political product, the competition levels, as well as the cultural context and decision making processes of the actors in the system. The work presented in this paper could provide a common communication platform for political party managers, consultants, practitioners, and researchers in order to analyze the political marketing process in a holistic way.
    Journal of Political Marketing 02/2010; 9(1-2):55-72.
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    ABSTRACT: This article examines how general feelings toward political actors shape the way citizens process information about policy issues. Images of political actors are prevalent shortcuts on which we rely during political decision making. A few studies go beyond the cognitive nature of these person-oriented heuristics and demonstrate that affective reactions toward a story protagonist generate swings in the evaluations of policy issues. This research borrows from the literature on persuasion, information processing, affective intelligence, and motivated reasoning to measure how affective responses to the image of a politician determine the way citizens evaluate policy proposals. In this study, an experiment is conducted wherein the name of a politician supporting two actual policy proposals is varied and the corresponding subjects' reactions to the policy content is measured. Findings suggest that the images projected by political candidates function as “gut-level” affective (emotional) shortcuts, such that when citizens dislike the source of the policy, they also adjust their policy evaluations downward. There is also evidence of differentiation in the way political images affect policy evaluation on the basis of political knowledge and trust.
    Journal of Political Marketing 02/2010; 9(1-2):9-33.
  • Journal of Political Marketing 02/2010; 9(1-2):1-8.