Journal of Political Marketing (J Polit Market )

Description

The new Journal of Political Marketing: political campaigns in the new millennium is vital reading for politicians and candidates at every level of office as well as political party officials, political consultants, corporate lobbyists, pollsters, media specialists, journalists, and students and educators in these and related fields. The journal puts exciting articles with a high level of sophistication and detail in comparison to competing publications in your hands, keeping you on top of current developments in political marketing and campaign strategy. The journal's focus will include current and predicted future trends such as the application of Internet marketing techniques to politics, which may well be at the forefront of future politics around the world. The Journal of Political Marketing brings you the expertise of both academics and practitioners as well as professionals in related fields that fall under the umbrella of political marketing. Planned columns include: "Inside the Beltway," a commentary on political events taking place in the United States that deal with Washington insiders; "Campaigns from Around the World," which deals with elections taking place in different countries; "Money and Politics," which addresses the growing issues surrounding money in politics--funding, contributions, salaries, and much more; "Polls and the Press," a column on the current state of affairs of both; "Cyber-democracy," devoted to the application of direct marketing and Internet technologies to politics; "Political Advertising," a discussion of trends and predictions for the future.

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  • Website
    Journal of Political Marketing website
  • Other titles
    Journal of political marketing, Political marketing
  • ISSN
    1537-7857
  • OCLC
    48425364
  • Material type
    Periodical, Internet resource
  • Document type
    Journal / Magazine / Newspaper, Internet Resource

Publications in this journal

  • Journal of Political Marketing 01/2015;
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    ABSTRACT: Effective communication is essential for brands to gain awareness, interest and loyalty from their consumers; the same is as true for politics as for any manufacturer or service provider. The challenge for political parties and candidates seeking support or election is finding the means to transmit their messages to an increasingly hard to reach audience. The consumer within a political context may avoid hard news or broadcast political debate, discard any direct mail received and, when receiving glimpses of political communication, simple reject any political messages as spin and propaganda. In order that brand values are accepted and understood and accepted effective, unmediated communication is crucial and increasingly political communication strategists are turning to the Internet which can not only enable the reaching of a wider audience but can also complement and augment the brand character. As new technologies are adopted, new modes of communication are also introduced. While a website can act as a shop front from which parties or candidates can advertise their policies and personnel, the style of the site (design, language and features) can act as metaphors for the professionalism and style of representation offered. To appear modern parties are increasingly adopting Web 2.0 tools, platforms and features. These all permit, to differing degrees, users to interact with parties and candidates and have conversations across online platforms. This interactivity can, if used strategically, be used as a tool for branding a party or candidate given that the uses of such tools can be metaphors for openness, accessibility and the representational character that may be provided post election. We explore this issue drawing on original empirical data gathered through analyses of online activities during the French and US presidential contests of 2007 and 2008 and of UK parties and MPs during 2008 and 2009. Through a process of creating narratives for each of the brands analysed, based upon a content and discourse analysis of the websites and other online presences, we identify what characteristics the online shop front is designed to project. These narratives, cumulatively, suggest that the online environment is becoming a key communicational tool for those who seek election, and potentially a key source of information for the voter; thus an important location to place strategic branded information. However it appears that interactivity is better suited to the activities of candidates, nationally or locally, due to the individualistic nature of conversational interactivity. Interactivity can thus have a significant role to play within a presidential contest where the individual is seeking office, but when representatives attempt to construct their individual brand it can also challenge traditional hierarchies within party based parliamentary systems such as the UK.
    Journal of Political Marketing 12/2014;
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    ABSTRACT: Abstract will be provided by author.
    Journal of Political Marketing 12/2014;
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    ABSTRACT: Abstract will be provided by author.
    Journal of Political Marketing 09/2014;
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    ABSTRACT: This article contributes to the debate on the relationship between marketing and propaganda through an analysis of social marketing as a mode of governing in permanent campaigning. The working hypothesis is that social marketing operations are agitational rather than propagandistic. The conceptual approach stems from a comparison of propaganda and marketing with Fordist and post-Fordist modes of production and governance. The research into the role of agitation involves an empirical study of the UK government campaign against benefit fraud, the most expensive of its kind. Using a combination of methodologies, the political context is framed through a discourse analysis that charts the historical emergence of the problem of benefit fraud and the material effects of this discourse on welfare spending allocation, content analysis is used to identify correspondences between different newspapers’ rhetoric and policy under different governments, and semiotic analysis helps to decode the message of the campaign against benefit fraud, as it relates to the overall government’s strategy on this issue. The study offers insights into the political strategy of the government of New Labour between 1997 and 2010 and its resort to agitational techniques, exposing the limitations of government marketing and public relations in the context of an overall crisis of its political legitimacy, in both economic and political terms.
    Journal of Political Marketing 02/2014; 13(1-2):108-126.
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    ABSTRACT: Do political actors communicate effectively during electoral campaigns? We introduce a novel concept in electoral research, the “perceived effectiveness of political parties' election campaigns.” This evaluation concentrates on the extent to which a party is seen as getting its message across to the voter. Empirical analyses using survey data and a media content analysis during the 2009 European Parliamentary elections show that the more exposed to news about a particular party, the more a voter feels that this party gets its message across. A party's perceived campaign effectiveness is greater when one or two other parties are also mentioned in a particular news item, which may make the party's profile more pronounced. Furthermore, the greater a voter's interest in the campaign, the larger the effect of exposure on party evaluations. The article concludes by discussing party evaluations and campaign effectiveness in the light of our findings.
    Journal of Political Marketing 02/2013; 12(1):100-120.
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    ABSTRACT: The conventional wisdom in the literature about political advertising effects—e.g., going negative risks backlash, stick to issues your party owns—has been derived from studies of general elections. Much less attention has been paid to primary elections, in which a partisan audience may be receptive to attacks on the opposing party and may judge most issues to be handled better by their own party. This experiment (N = 223) sets out to investigate the roles of tone (positive versus comparative), target (none, primary opponent, or general election opponent), and issue ownership (party-owned issue or unowned issue) in responses to political advertising during primary versus general elections. As predicted, partisans in primary election conditions had lower ad and sponsoring candidate evaluations for comparative ads attacking a primary opponent than for positive ads or comparative ads attacking the eventual general election opponent, but there were no differences between the latter two. Independents in the general election conditions responded more positively to positive ads than comparative ads. Issue ownership had no main effects.
    Journal of Political Marketing 07/2011; 10(3):275-296.
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    ABSTRACT: This experimental study examined the perceived effects of negative political advertising on self versus others and whether such perceptual differences might be moderated by message type (issue versus character) and exposure. After viewing independently sponsored political ads from the 2004 presidential election, participants were found to have significantly different perceptions of the effects of negative political advertising on self versus others. While both exposure levels and participants' candidate preferences had an impact on the observed self/other perceptual differences, ad type did not have significant effects. Furthermore, it was found that an increase in the perceived effects of negative political advertising was a significant predictor of support for campaign finance reform.
    Journal of Political Marketing 07/2011; 10(3):215-229.
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    ABSTRACT: This article explores the uses of Web 2.0 and social media by the 2008 Obama presidential campaign and asks three primary questions: (1) What techniques allowed the Obama campaign to translate online activity to on-the-ground activism? (2) What sociotechnical factors enabled the Obama campaign to generate so many campaign contributions? (3) Did the Obama campaign facilitate the development of an ongoing social movement that will influence his administration and governance? Qualitative data were collected from social media tools used by the Obama ‘08 campaign (e.g., Obama ‘08 Web site, Twitter, Facebook, MySpace, e-mails, iPhone application, and the Change.gov site created by the Obama-Biden Transition Team) and public information. The authors find that the Obama ‘08 campaign created a nationwide virtual organization that motivated 3.1 million individual contributors and mobilized a grassroots movement of more than 5 million volunteers. Clearly, the Obama campaign utilized these tools to go beyond educating the public and raising money to mobilizing the ground game, enhancing political participation, and getting out the vote. The use of these tools also raised significant national security and privacy considerations. Finally, the Obama-Biden transition and administration utilized many of the same strategies in their attempt to transform political participation and civic engagement.
    Journal of Political Marketing 02/2011; 10(1-2):189-213.
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    ABSTRACT: The presidential candidates alone in 2008 raised a stunning $1.75 billion, which was double the $881 million raised by candidates during the 2004 election cycle and more than triple the $529 million raised by candidates in 2000. 1 FEC; Center for Responsive Politics. View all notes Virtually all of this money was raised from individual contributions. In this article, the authors use survey data to examine the individual characteristics and political attitudes of contributors in 2008.
    Journal of Political Marketing 02/2011; 10(1-2):43-57.
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    ABSTRACT: The central argument developed in this paper is premised on the belief that, in the life experiences of individuals, we find a messy interface between politics and consumption, where, often unintentionally, we take on citizenly roles and have civic experiences in market spaces as consumers. Flowing from this is the emergence of what the author calls the “accidental citizen,” where consumer actions increasingly contain political qualities and, just as importantly, these experiences are acknowledged and reflected on as such. The paper presents an argument that rejects the dominant discourse that contrasts notions of consumer and citizen. This position of contrast is the established position taken in the political science literature that considers citizenship predominantly in terms of legalistically based relations between individuals and the state (Offe, 199956. Offe , C. ( 1999 ). How can we trust our fellow citizens? In M. Warren (Ed.), Democracy and trust . Cambridge : Cambridge University Press . [CrossRef]View all references), and, given that political marketing developed as an addendum to this body of work, the view of consumer contrasting with citizen underpins much political marketing thinking too. The paper, based on more holistic interpretations of the core notions of citizen and consumer, provides examples that illustrate a merging of consumption and politics in the everyday lives of individuals, positing that the accidental citizen can act as a catalyst for further political action, and as such, is an important concept with widespread consequences for the discipline of political marketing.
    Journal of Political Marketing 10/2010; 9(4):276-293.
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    ABSTRACT: The study presents an innovative model for examining both the relationship between the verbal and nonverbal behavior of a political figure in political interviews and the effects of his/her political stature on his/her performance. The uniqueness of the model lies in the simultaneous examination of the two channels of communication, the verbal and nonverbal and the definition of their relationship, e.g., discrepancy when there is a contradiction and inconsistency between the channels, and non-discrepancy when they are consistent and do not contradict each other. The model characterizes patterns of discrepancy and non-discrepancy both in the behavior of the interviewer and in that of the interviewee and relates them to the political standing of the interviewee. The study examined the behavior of Israel's former prime minister Ariel Sharon in television appearances over the past 20 years, in which he had both periods of strong political standing as well as periods of low political status. Findings significantly show that patterns of discrepancy and non-discrepancy between the verbal and the nonverbal messages are indicative of the political stature of the political person being interviewed. The findings have interesting methodological and theoretical implications.
    Journal of Political Marketing 10/2010; 9(4):229-253.
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    ABSTRACT: This 2 × 3 experiment investigated the impact of Web-based political campaigns on viewers. Three distinct sites were created as stimuli: the first is positive about the feature candidate, the second is negative toward his or her opponent, and the third contains both positive and negative messages. Subjects viewed identical Web sites sponsored by the feature candidate and by an interest group. Researchers then tested for potential differences in liking, voting intention, credibility, and apathy. Results show that positive messages lead to higher liking and voting intention. Site sponsorship only makes a difference to credibility of negative information. Additionally, viewers' apathy plays a significant role in political information processing.
    Journal of Political Marketing 10/2010; 9(4):314-329.