Central Europe (Cent Eur)

Publisher: University of London. School of Slavonic and East European Studies. Centre for the Study of Central Europe, University College London, School of Slavonic and East European Studies

Journal description

Central Europe publishes original research articles on the history, languages, literature, political culture, music, arts and society of those lands once part of the Habsburg Monarchy and Poland-Lithuania from the Middle Ages to the present. It also publishes discussion papers, marginalia, book, archive, exhibition, music and film reviews. Central Europe has been established as a refereed journal to foster the worldwide study of the area and to provide a forum for the academic discussion of Central European life and institutions. From time to time an issue will be devoted to a particular theme, based on a selection of papers presented at an international conference or seminar series.

Current impact factor: 0.00

Impact Factor Rankings

Additional details

5-year impact 0.00
Cited half-life 0.00
Immediacy index 0.00
Eigenfactor 0.00
Article influence 0.00
Website Central Europe website
Other titles Central Europe (Leeds, England: Online)
ISSN 1479-0963
OCLC 60621910
Material type Document, Periodical, Internet resource
Document type Internet Resource, Computer File, Journal / Magazine / Newspaper

Publisher details

University College London, School of Slavonic and East European Studies

  • Pre-print
    • Author cannot archive a pre-print version
  • Post-print
    • Author cannot archive a post-print version
  • Restrictions
    • 2 years embargo
  • Conditions
    • On author's personal website or institutional repository
    • Published source must be acknowledged with full citation
    • Publisher's version/PDF may be used (provided on request)
  • Classification
    ​ white

Publications in this journal

  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: In the years following the end of the First World War, cocaine achieved unprecedented popularity in Europe, a development reflected in the number of novels dealing with cocaine use by writers from across the Continent. One such is Max Pulver’s Himmelpfortgasse, first published in 1927, which tells of a Munich-based intellectual torn between his respectable bourgeois existence and his cocaine-fuelled passion for a young Viennese painter. After a brief interlude in Berlin, the protagonist follows his new love to Vienna, but their relationship soon deteriorates. The plot of the novel is unremarkable, but its depiction of three separate cocaine-using cliques, each based in a different city and each with a distinct social position and political orientation, vividly illustrates the extent to which recreational use of cocaine spread across geographical, socio-economic, and ideological divides in the period in question. Moreover, the narrator’s essayistic reflections on the function, effects, and social practice ...
    Central Europe 11/2014; 12(2):159-173. DOI:10.1179/1479096314Z.00000000029
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    ABSTRACT: This article details the impact of heroin in the early to mid-1970s leftist scene, with a focus on Frankfurt am Main, but an eye to larger developments in West Germany as a whole. Heroin challenged leftist assumptions about substance use and made a deep impact on the West German counter-culture, student left, and New Left at large. Early heroin users saw themselves as part of the left, and the practices of heroin consumption can be usefully seen as a sort of everyday radical praxis. Heroin users saw in the substance a way to ‘do something’ against a society they deemed oppressive. The wider counter-culture never embraced the drug and, indeed, repudiated its use as reactionary much in the same way that they eventually repudiated the violent activism of West German terror groups. As such, heroin users took part in and helped shape the process of splintering and radicalization that defined the early 1970s counter-culture in West Germany.
    Central Europe 11/2014; 12(2):195-215. DOI:10.1179/1479096314Z.00000000031
  • Central Europe 11/2014; 12(2):136-158. DOI:10.1179/1479096314Z.00000000028
  • Central Europe 11/2014; 12(2):174-194. DOI:10.1179/1479096314Z.00000000030
  • Central Europe 11/2014; 12(2):117-135. DOI:10.1179/1479096314Z.00000000027
  • Central Europe 11/2014; 12(2):115-116. DOI:10.1179/1479096314Z.00000000026
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    ABSTRACT: An underplayed area in democratization research, the problem of historical legacies is examined with reference to regime change theory and its negative and positive aspects. These include different patterns and types of legacies, the political utilization of the past and conflicting reactions to the communist period as well as the emergence of political learning and possibilities for 'overcoming' the past. It is concluded that such legacies may have a powerful influence during democratization but do not determine its outcome, that they rarely play an objective role in regime change, and that there is considerable cross-national variation in their impact.
    Central Europe 05/2014; 12(1):82-98. DOI:10.1179/1479096314Z.00000000019
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    ABSTRACT: This article examines 'lay' memory and understandings of the Soviet Union within a working-class community in regional Russia. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and materials, it presents informants' narratives on the past as seen through the division of lived experience into the present and the 'time before' 1991. Positive associations of the past refer to the benefits of the social wage under socialism, the loss of which is keenly felt even while paternalistic relations continue to be expected by workers from enterprises. Shared class-based memory is a resource articulating a 'lay' reasoning on the supposed superiority of the socialist social contract, rather than any articulation of political support for the Soviet system. What endures is a clearly articulated, morally normative understanding of social justice, mythical in the past and absent in the present.
    Central Europe 05/2014; 12(1):16-31. DOI:10.1179/1479096314Z.00000000020
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    ABSTRACT: This article examines the recent discussion of Romanian-German writers' involvement with the Securitate since the airing of Oskar Pastior's file in 2010. Drawing principally on German and Romanian newspapers, journals, and blogs from 2010-11, I argue that while the Stasi debates of the early to mid-1990s were more concerned with examining literary and political traditions in order to effect reorientation in a new political and societal landscape, the Romanian-German discussion recognizes the need to transcend personal loyalties and enmities, but rarely achieves it. The Romanian-German discussion's high degree of differentiation and moderation represents an advance on the German polemics of the early 1990s, but the debate appears to be stuck somewhere between the documentation of biographical detail and a search for an effective way to read contentious source material.
    Central Europe 05/2014; 12(1):69-81. DOI:10.1179/1479096314Z.00000000021
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    ABSTRACT: This article argues that literary texts can serve as 'lieux de memoire' of the Central European dictatorships of the twentieth century. The study considers literary representation of features common to the dictatorships of the last century, in particular the trauma of 'forced disappearance'. It analyses the memory strategies used by the selected authors with a particular focus on the use of photography. The article demonstrates the cathartic function of writing as it is represented in the chosen texts. It considers the following authors and works: German author W. G. Sebald's Austerlitz (2001), Czech author Jiri Kratochvil's The Pledge: Requiem for the 1950s ('Slib: Requiem za padesata leta', 2009), Slovak author Pavel Vilikovsky's The Autobiography of Evil ('Vlastny zivotopis zla', 2009), and Polish author Pawel Huelle's Mercedes Benz: From Letters to Hrabal ('Mercedes Benz: Z listow do Hrabala', 2001).
    Central Europe 05/2014; 12(1):62-68. DOI:10.1179/1479096314Z.00000000023
  • Central Europe 05/2014; 12(1):1-15. DOI:10.1179/1479096314Z.00000000024
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    ABSTRACT: This article assesses the potential for memory of communism to become part of the EU’s memory culture by comparing three contrasting case studies: the Baltic states, Hungary, and Germany. It argues that, rather than the emergence of a western European memory culture that is challenged by a uniform eastern memory culture within the EU, as some commentators have claimed, the different positions of EU member states tend to be conditioned by a range of domestic and international factors. In terms of the promotion of the memory of communism within the EU, these factors can vary significantly from state to state, demonstrating the continued dominance of the national frame in the mobilization of historical memory.
    Central Europe 05/2014; 12(1):99-114. DOI:10.1179/1479096314Z.00000000018
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    ABSTRACT: Our fascination with the ambivalences of ruin shows little sign of abating. Taking as its focus the Baltic resort of Prora, this paper explores the particular ambivalences that arise when the East German socialist past inhabits the ruins of the preceding National Socialist dictatorship. Developing a theoretical approach to the ruin as palimpsest and heterotopia, I examine three types of intervention that have been made in the post-socialist present at this largely derelict and disused site: redevelopment; musealization; and photographic representation. In each case I consider, first, the strategies that stabilize the ruin in the present and, second, the processes through which the ruin persists as a more troubling and destabilizing force. Ultimately, I argue that the ambivalences of these ruins of dictatorship are increasingly being simplified and consolidated in the post-dictatorship setting, often at the expense of the socialist phase of the site.
    Central Europe 05/2014; 12(1):47-61. DOI:10.1179/1479096314Z.00000000022
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    ABSTRACT: This paper revisits the controversies surrounding commemoration of the Second World War in the Baltic states and explores the difficulties of translating the complexities and ambivalences of history, personal experience, and memory into monolithic statues and acts of commemoration. In particular, the Baltic states are faced with the difficult challenge of commemorating the atrocities of two dictatorships and are failing to meet that challenge. A fundamental impediment to such collective remembrance and commemoration is the breadth and depth of historical displacement and suffering of different ethnic communities. The lack of commemoration of two marginalized groups, namely, the Roma and psychiatric patients is also examined.
    Central Europe 05/2014; 12(1):32-46. DOI:10.1179/1479096314Z.00000000025
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    ABSTRACT: Dezső Szabó (born 1879, Klausenburg/Kolozsvár/Cluj, Austria-Hungary, died 1945, Budapest) was a towering figure of his generation. Literary critic, social pamphleteer, satirist, and novelist, he aroused strong passions on all sides with his rhetorically freighted prose and his fluid, yet forceful, political views. All accounts of his work concentrate on its intent, content, or consequences, and it is widely agreed that Szabó’s ‘style’ was his most prominent trait. And yet it is as if the political and ideological impact of the man has all but eclipsed the writing itself: with the exception of one brief monograph of 1937, we have no study devoted to the detailed examination of the ways in which he used Hungarian. Such a study is what is attempted in this essay. The method is primarily linguistic: all pertinent features of Szabó’s use of Hungarian are discussed, from the submorphemic (alliteration and other sound-patterning) through his immoderate derivational morphology, overstuffed noun phrases, and idiosyncratic lexis.
    Central Europe 11/2013; 11(2):102-126. DOI:10.1179/1479096313Z.00000000014
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    ABSTRACT: The aim of this article is to explore the remaking of national identity in post-communist Poland through the analysis of urban spaces, and, in particular, two controversial monuments that were erected under communism and survive to this day in two Polish cities. By systematically tracing the trajectory of the contested monuments, from their inception through their changing symbolism to their disputed legacies, this article will pose important questions not only about the development of cultural memory and of Polish civic society, but also the role of various agents involved in these processes. The article will examine the interaction between the official and local ‘politics of memory’ and individual initiatives centred on these monuments in an attempt to unravel the intricacies of Poland’s de-communization and nation-building following the fall of communism.
    Central Europe 11/2013; 11(2):127-142. DOI:10.1179/1479096313Z.00000000015
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    ABSTRACT: The aim of this article is to explore the remaking of national identity in post-communist Poland through the analysis of urban spaces, and, in particular, two controversial monuments that were erected under communism and survive to this day in two Polish cities. By systematically tracing the trajectory of the contested monuments, from their inception through their changing symbolism to their disputed legacies, this article will pose important questions not only about the development of cultural memory and of Polish civic society, but also the role of various agents involved in these processes. The article will examine the interaction between the official and local ‘politics of memory’ and individual initiatives centred on these monuments in an attempt to unravel the intricacies of Poland’s de-communization and nation-building following the fall of communism.
    Central Europe 11/2013;
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    ABSTRACT: This article explores how the GDR dealt with intellectual remigrants, in particular ‘bildungsbürgerlich Marxist intellectuals’, who had survived the Third Reich in Western exile. It analyses the political biographies of three such remigrants, namely the journalist Hermann Budzislawski, the publisher and author Wieland Herzfelde, and the journalist and party functionary Hans Teubner. In the late 1940s and 1950s, these three men were appointed to professorships at the Faculty of Journalism at Leipzig University, a future training school of party journalists, and thus filled important strategic positions at the intersection of higher education, mass media, and politics. However, their biographies testify to more than just individual success stories. They point to the difficulties of returning Communists in adapting to the political realities of the GDR in the 1950s, marked by widespread distrust and coercion. Behind the scenes, the remigrants in question here were put under enormous pressure to bow to Party command. As Budzislawski and Herzfelde were Jewish, the article also discusses to what extent their problems were related to antisemitic prejudices in the Stalinist period of the GDR. Regardless of individual differences, this article demonstrates that one of the central hopes of the remigrants, that is, to erase the scars of emigration, remained unfulfilled.
    Central Europe 05/2013; 11(1):24-45. DOI:10.1179/1479096313Z.00000000010
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    ABSTRACT: This article considers the Czech cliché ‘the heart of Europe’ and its sentimentalization. It ends by linking the Czech heart with another nationalist symbol, the heart-leaved linden. The article derives the nationalist symbolism of the heart from medieval Saxon mysticism and its descendants, the Baroque cult of the Sacred Heart, taking in Cupid and his arrows on the way. Sources from the seventeenth to the twentieth century include belles-lettres, but also political writing from the Romantic historian Palacký to Václav Havel.
    Central Europe 05/2013; 11(1):1-23. DOI:10.1179/1479096313Z.0000000009
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    ABSTRACT: This article examines the Slovak Clerical Council, one of a number of clerical councils which were founded in Central Europe in the immediate aftermath of the First World War. On the basis of primary sources and extensive familiarity with the relevant secondary literature, it challenges the existing historical consensus that this clerical council was merely one manifestation of Slovakia’s desire to break away from Hungarian rule and was, therefore, of limited scope and import. Instead, it argues that the clerical council’s nationalist agenda manifested itself not only in its eagerness to support and influence the establishment of the Czechoslovak state but also in its determination to reconstruct and reinvigorate the Catholic Church in Slovakia. It also explains why the ambitions of the council, and the threat it posed to the unity of the Church in Slovakia, were stymied. This account of the Slovak clerical council serves, therefore, as a case study of both the radicalizing impact of nationalism in the aftermath of the First World War and the limits of that radicalization. No account of any of the post-war clerical councils has, hitherto, been published in English, and thus this article will contribute to a clearer understanding not only of developments in Slovakia in 1918–19, but also of the broader challenges affecting the Catholic faith in Central Europe in the aftermath of the First World War.
    Central Europe 05/2013; 11(1):46-66. DOI:10.1179/1479096313Z.00000000011