Journal of Political Ideologies

Description

The Journal of Political Ideologies is dedicated to the analysis of political ideology both in its theoretical and conceptual aspects, and with reference to the nature and roles of concrete ideological manifestations. The journal promotes research into political ideologies, which are indispensable to the understanding of political thought within social, temporal and spatial contexts. It emphasizes both the general phenomenon of ideologies and their particular instances. In parallel, it underlines that political action, processes and institutions are endowed with ideological import and shaped to a considerable extent by political ideologies. The indeterminacy of the notion of ideology is recognized, concerned as it is with epistemological issues of truth, distortion and dissimulation and with sociological phenomena of power, dominance and exploitation, as well as with functional questions, denoting action-oriented political thinking. Significant attention is also given to analyzing ideologies in terms of their actual histories, geographical and cultural expression and to interpreting the idea-patterns of particular ideological variants.

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  • Website
    Journal of Political Ideologies website
  • Other titles
    Journal of political ideologies (Online), Political ideologies
  • ISSN
    1469-9613
  • OCLC
    49668753
  • Material type
    Document, Periodical, Internet resource
  • Document type
    Internet Resource, Computer File, Journal / Magazine / Newspaper

Publications in this journal

  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: with globalization and ideology. The first strand considers the question of whether political ideology of any stripe may provide adequate guidance for effective managing or confronting of globalization or some aspects of it. The second strand accepts the import of ideology in the generic sense but questions the relevance of established ideological currents in the context of globalization. While appreciating the insights provided by both literatures, this article suggests that each has been limited by their prevalent assumptions regarding the nature of ideology on the one hand, and the extent of the impact of globalization on the other. The article identifies several logical and political setbacks resulting from these assumptions and argues for a closer conceptual analysis of ideological discourse as a way out of the flawed terms of the current debate.
    Journal of Political Ideologies 10/2012; 17(3):323-346.
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    ABSTRACT: During the past two decades religious Zionists have developed several different approaches regarding social justice. The middle class among them have tended to identify with neo-liberal policies. Many nationalist Zionists chose compartmentalization and adaptation, i.e. they accepted the prevalent capitalist outlook without a deep understanding of its religious implications. The ‘strong’ nationalists and strictly Orthodox have had little to say about socio-economic issues. This derives from their emphasis on the spiritual calling of the people of Israel and its general disregard for material life. There is also a connection between their messianic, rightist, religious and political orientation and a right-wing socio-economic outlook. The moderate nationalist, Torah-oriented (Torani) wing tends either towards a ‘third way’ or towards a more moderate leftist direction. The liberal religious sector has both liberal religious and liberal welfarist economic views.
    Journal of Political Ideologies 02/2012; 17(1):87-106.
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    ABSTRACT: Various scholars have addressed nationalism as a distinctive political ideology. The majority of them recognize it as a product of modernity and as inseparable from it. This article begins by accepting this view, identifying the spread of nationalism as part of a broader process of Westernization. However, the all-encompassing ideological dimension and common thread hovering above nationalism is identified here as modernism—that is, the sum of ideological discourses, artistic expressions and political practices gravitating around the ‘need to be modern’. Modernist notions like ‘progress’, ‘growth’, ‘advancement’ and ‘development’ have been largely conceived within national frameworks and applied within a world of ‘nation-states’. Moreover, given the selective ways in which ruling elites used the vocabulary of modernity, the very ‘perlocutionary’ effect of labelling opponents as ‘anti-modern’ often became a sufficient condition for their exclusion. The article discusses whether modernism can be identified as an ideology on its own and whether its triumph was indissociable from nationalism. It concludes that nationalism belonged to a broader modernist discourse that thoroughly accompanied the expansion of modernity.
    Journal of Political Ideologies 01/2012; 17(1):13-34.
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    ABSTRACT: This paper analyses whether the Chinese state's recent efforts since 2003 to build a ‘harmonious society’ (HS; hexie shehui) represents an ideological shift towards global human development (HD) norms promoted by the United Nations. At first glance, the one-party authoritarian state of China seems worlds apart from the more inclusive HD approach. However, China's increasing emphasis on rebuilding health insurance, expanding compulsory education and reducing inter-regional inequalities somewhat resembles HD. To clarify these ambiguities, the study analyses recent PRC social development reports and scholarly debates to understand the HS ideology. The paper concludes with a critical assessment of HS discourse and a clarification of six key dimensions on which the HS appears to differ from the HD approach to development.
    Journal of Political Ideologies 01/2012; 17(2):169-187.
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    ABSTRACT: This article revisits the ‘heuristic value of the left–right dichotomy’ for understanding global politics. For a little less than two centuries, the main left–right cleavage centred on class issues. Class remained the spur of political mobilization until the late 1970s, when a mechanism of polarization focused more on identity issues emerged. In international politics, talk of identity becomes especially heated in the discourse that opposes East to West. A number of international issues in which the East–West divide has become a reference and a blueprint (e.g. the Israeli–Palestinian conflict) are able to mobilize opinions along the left–right continuum. This paper contends that a third cleavage—between earth and heaven—is also playing a role in mobilizing opinions along the left–right spectrum. As left and right ‘reach out’ from local to global politics and become tied up with questions of identity, some international issues appear to act as catalysts to ideological polarization, especially when the language used to address them pivots on the East–West axis. The risk lies in the formation of a ‘cumulative cleavage’, a compound of the three cleavage lines detailed in this paper.
    Journal of Political Ideologies 01/2012; 17(2):127-145.
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    ABSTRACT: This article inquires into the ideological vision of Hasan al-Banna (1906–1949), one of the most influential figures of Islamist thought. By assuming a discourse theory perspective, I argue that al-Banna's Islamist discourse was genealogically caught between a traditional pan-Islamic vocation and modern ways of articulating political discourse, such as nationalism and Arab nationalism. Following the traumatic encounter between tradition and modernity that colonialism enacted, al-Banna increasingly integrated and valourized modern national ‘signifiers’, downplaying early universalistic ethos. This denoted a growing reliance on the language of modernity over the language of tradition, though such reliance was instrumental to al-Banna's anti-imperialist political project, entailing the very preservation of tradition as a moderator principle in the appropriation of modernity.
    Journal of Political Ideologies 01/2012; 17(1):61-85.
  • Journal of Political Ideologies 01/2012; 17(2):229-233.
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    ABSTRACT: The article explores the concept of culture as a criterion for political boundaries, and finds both prominent positions on the cultural criterion in contemporary liberal democratic theory—liberal nationalism and its cosmopolitan opposition—inadequate. To this end, the article compares two opposing visions of culture-based regionalism in Europe, developed by Green parties and by parties of the new far-right, respectively. The comparison indicates that the exclusionary meanings of culture as a criterion for political boundaries, typical for the new far-right, dominate the notion of culture in this context in general—despite the ecologists' efforts to appropriate the cultural criterion and reinvent it. The ensuing difficulty for the theoretical positions is: (1) an inclusive and pluralist notion of culture as a criterion for political boundaries is currently unavailable, and (2) particularities are conceptually indispensible in a theory of political borders—replacing cultural particularism by no particularism is implausible.
    Journal of Political Ideologies 01/2012; 17(1):35-59.
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    ABSTRACT: This article explores Anthony Crosland's rejection of Marxism in the early 1940s through his reading of Lucien Laurat's Marxism and Democracy (1940). In correspondence with his friend Philip Williams, Crosland commented in unusual depth on Laurat's book. Using this correspondence alongside other contemporary writing, this article argues that Laurat's ideas helped Crosland untangle his own early thoughts on the relationship between Marxism and democratic socialism and establish the limitations of Marxist analysis for contemporary conditions. These themes contributed to an interpretation of modern capitalism that became central to Crosland's post-war writing and the emergence of ‘revisionist’ socialism in Britain. Furthermore, the Left Book Club's translation of Laurat's book and continued parallels between Crosland's and Laurat's analyses in the 1950s open the possibility of greater connections between continental European and ‘revisionist’ British socialism.
    Journal of Political Ideologies 01/2012; 17(2):189-205.
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    ABSTRACT: Scholarship on Carl Schmitt tends either to contextualize obsessively his Weimar-era work to convict or exonerate vis-à-vis fascism, or effectively decontextualize it in the service of buttressing contemporary political theoretical projects. While both approaches have produced interesting work, this paper argues that both have missed key elements. An important and hitherto largely unexamined context for Schmitt's enduring series of interwar writings was the widespread European concern over the threat posed to Western civilization by Bolshevism. This is shown by analysing Schmitt's texts from the period both internally, and comparatively with other influential contemporary writers, who also predicted a European–Bolshevik ‘clash of civilizations’ as the conceptual order of future politics.
    Journal of Political Ideologies 01/2012; 17(2):147-167.
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    ABSTRACT: This paper analyses the development of the schism between Marxism and anarchism and explores two distinct methodological approaches to investigating these apparently discrete ideologies: one is derived from analytic political philosophy; the other is an adaptation of Michael Freeden's conceptual approach. The former views the division between Marxism and anarchism as the result of a clear distinction in universal principles, an account that is found to be flawed. Using the alternative conceptual approach, this paper argues that the schism that marked the relationship between anarchism and Marxism during the ‘short twentieth century’ was primarily the result of the primacy Marxism gave to the Leninist centralized structure following the Bolshevik revolution. The revolutionary party was able to impose a more tightly controlled interpretation of socialist principles, which marginalized and excluded rival socialist constructions. With the decline of Leninist structures, constellations of Marxism have arisen that, once again, actively engage with anarchism.
    Journal of Political Ideologies 01/2012; 17(2):207-227.
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    ABSTRACT: The Contrat d'Accueil et d'Intégration is the keystone of France's revamped immigration paradigm aimed at integrating immigrants into French society and fostering social cohesion through adherence to a Rousseauian social contract. Because the use of the social contract as an immigration tool taps into an ideal (and thus flawed) philosophical tradition, it is important to move beyond the procedural mechanism and political implications to probe the deeper philosophical issues raised by grafting a Rousseauian social contract onto the immigration realm. From a Rousseauian perspective, discerning the nature of French republicanism is not a question of which paradigm—the traditional republican or the multicultural—has the better understanding of the fundamental values of modernity. Rather, what matters is how the French public views the scope of these values and whether the laws promulgated by the government in power reflect the general will of society as a whole. The contribution of this article lies in exposing the questions the immigrant contract raises regarding the power of the particular and/or general will, the problematic social patterns it engenders regarding the factionalization of society, and the tensions and trade-offs it creates regarding upholding the assimilationist paradigm, sentiments of inequality and fraternity, levels of social strife and definitions of national identity.
    Journal of Political Ideologies 01/2012; 17(1):107-126.
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    ABSTRACT: This article considers two different, yet related, theoretical approaches that could be employed to ground the anarchist critique of Marxist-Leninist revolutionary practice, and thus of the state in general: the State-Primacy Theory and the Quadruplex Theory. The State-Primacy Theory appears to be consistent with several of Bakunin's claims about the state. However, the Quadruplex Theory might, in fact, turn out to be no less consistent with Bakunin's claims than the State-Primacy Theory. In addition, the Quadruplex Theory seems no less capable of supporting the anarchist critique of Marxism-Leninism than the State-Primacy Theory. The article concludes by considering two possible refinements that might be made to the Quadruplex Theory.
    Journal of Political Ideologies 10/2011; 16(3):245-264.
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    ABSTRACT: This article outlines a politics of postanarchism, which is based on a radical renewal—via poststructuralist theory—of classical anarchism's critique of statism and authority and its political ethics of egalibertarianism. I contend that while many of the theoretical categories of classical anarchism continue to be relevant today—and indeed are becoming more relevant with the collapse of competing radical projects and what might be seen as a paradigm shift from the representative politics of the party and vanguard to that of movements and decentralized networks—its humanist and rationalist epistemological framework needs to be rethought in the light of poststructuralist and postmodern theories. Here I develop an alternative understanding of anarchism based on a non-essentialist politics of autonomy.
    Journal of Political Ideologies 10/2011; 16(3):313-327.
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    ABSTRACT: Until recently, the relationship between theories of international anarchy and anarchism has been ignored. Very recent work has started to bridge the gap between International Relations theory and the usefulness of anarchism and anarchist theory for the understanding of global politics. This article takes this discussion one step further by examining the relationship between classical anarchism (1860s–1940s), cosmopolitanism, post-anarchism and the global justice movement. It then investigates the linkages between the works of the 19th- and 20th-century anarchists, Rudolf Rocker and Gustav Landauer, and contemporary examinations of the linkages between cultural nationalism, cosmopolitanism and the classical and post-anarchist projects.
    Journal of Political Ideologies 10/2011; 16(3):265-278.
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    ABSTRACT: Wrongdoing in politics has an important rhetorical dimension. Unlike rhetoric directed at idealized political ends, it has by and large been neglected. This article begins to correct that neglect by constructing an outline for a political rhetoric of wrongdoing based on a significant exemplar: moral equivalence. Moral equivalence arguments play an important role in disputes about wrongdoing. In common with ‘lesser evil’ arguments and arguments about moral ‘double standards’, they appeal to the idea that particular wrongs are open to moral evaluation through the exercise of comparison. At the level of public speech and communication, comparative wrongdoing is articulated via discursive strategies which are best interpreted through the lens of a rhetorical perspective on political theory. Some implications for the development of a rhetorical conception of political theory in general are considered as a postscript.
    Journal of Political Ideologies 06/2011; 16(2):195-219.
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    ABSTRACT: This article examines the political categories of ‘Left’ and ‘Right’, in particular as they are evoked and instrumentalized by political actors in the democratic process. Drawing on some of the insights of positioning theory, it shows how ‘Left’ and ‘Right’ are discursive resources deployed, contested and resisted in political exchange. The article looks in depth at some of the political uses to which Left–Right talk may be put, discussing in particular acts of partisan profiling, of legitimization and subversion, and the evocation or rejection of political continuity. The article argues that although these usages can be seen as tactical moves pursued for political advantage, they have a larger significance insofar as they indicate one of the ways the democratically important imagery of Left and Right may remain active in contemporary politics.
    Journal of Political Ideologies 06/2011; 16(2):123-144.
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    ABSTRACT: This paper analyses the success of political leaders who combine a populist style with a neo-liberal agenda to win the support of social sectors that are among the most damaged by neo-liberal policies. The article claims that in countries where a populist movement succeeded in the past to include previously excluded social groups, a populist habitus develops that explains the support given by those same groups to leaders who emerge from those populist movements, even when they pursue neo-liberal policies. The paper compares Israel's Binyamin Netanyahu and Argentina's Carlos Menem to support this claim.
    Journal of Political Ideologies 06/2011; 16(2):221-238.

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