Mediterranean Politics (MEDITERR POLIT )

Publisher: Taylor & Francis

Description

Mediterranean Politics is the only refereed academic journal to focus exclusively on the politics of the whole Mediterranean area, north and south, east and west. It appeared in response to the growing international concern about instability in the area and the implications of regional problems not just for Mediterraneans but for the European Union and the United States as well. The challenges posed by Islamic fundamentalism, environmental degradation and increasing migration have generated national and multilateral initiatives aimed at tackling the problems of the area. Among these is a major effort by the EU designed to help stabilize its Mediterranean periphery. Mediterranean Politics focuses upon political developments, both at the national and the international level. It also analyses the implications of Mediterranean events for Europe and other parts of the world. In particular, the journal examines the results of the present attempt by the EU and 12 neighbouring states to build a Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, involving the creation of a vast free trade area, increased financial co-operation, regular political summits, dialogue across cultures and new security-building mechanisms.

  • Impact factor
    0.71
  • 5-year impact
    0.00
  • Cited half-life
    5.00
  • Immediacy index
    0.05
  • Eigenfactor
    0.00
  • Article influence
    0.00
  • Website
    Mediterranean Politics website
  • Other titles
    Mediterranean politics (Online)
  • ISSN
    1362-9395
  • OCLC
    55073226
  • Material type
    Document, Periodical, Internet resource
  • Document type
    Internet Resource, Computer File, Journal / Magazine / Newspaper

Publisher details

Taylor & Francis

  • Pre-print
    • Author can archive a pre-print version
  • Post-print
    • Author cannot archive a post-print version
  • Restrictions
    • 12 month embargo for STM, Behavioural Science and Public Health Journals
    • 18 month embargo for SSH journals
  • Conditions
    • Some individual journals may have policies prohibiting pre-print archiving
    • Pre-print on authors own website, Institutional or Subject Repository
    • Post-print on authors own website, Institutional or Subject Repository
    • Publisher's version/PDF cannot be used
    • On a non-profit server
    • Published source must be acknowledged
    • Must link to publisher version
    • Set statements to accompany deposits (see policy)
    • Publisher will deposit to PMC on behalf of NIH authors.
    • STM: Science, Technology and Medicine
    • SSH: Social Science and Humanities
    • 'Taylor & Francis (Psychology Press)' is an imprint of 'Taylor & Francis'
  • Classification
    ​ yellow

Publications in this journal

  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: This contribution to the roundtable considers the evolution of the debate about democratization and post-democratization before 2011 and examines three different ways of revisiting this debate after the Arab uprisings.
    Mediterranean Politics 02/2014; 2014(19):1.
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: The following series of short analyses seeks to engage critically with the issue of how to think about Arab politics after the Arab uprisings in the light of past debates on this theme. What are we to make today of previous approaches to the region that emphasized historical sociology, Arabism, regionalism, Islamism, revolution and (post-)democratization? We reflect on (i) how ?classic debates? have been impacted, (ii) how important or useful these debates still remain today, and (iii) how we then should proceed.
    Mediterranean Politics 02/2014; 2014(19):1.
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: In 1998 Barnett argued against the grain of realist IR theory, contending that ‘the conflicts between Arab governments have concerned the norms of Arabism and not the balance of power’. Ever since, the debate on regional order has been marked less by realist perspectives based on materialist understanding of power, and more by pragmatic middle positions as can be found with the English School, Historical Sociology and soft constructivist approaches. This piece will argue along the same lines, contending that norms and identity politics remain central to the study of Middle East regional politics, also in the post-2011 era. In a second move it will however also suggest that the rise of identity politics and heightened regional insecurity related to these identities, calls for an introduction of insights from securitization theory.
    Mediterranean Politics 01/2014; 19(1).
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: This article explores how the Arab Uprisings have affected academic debates over the importance of Arab identity in regional and domestic politics. Does the spreading of protest from one Arab state to another in 2011 indicate Arabism's continued salience, or does the subsequent rise of regional sectarianism represent its death-knell? Are older debates between ‘New Arabists’ and ‘post-Arabists’ still relevant or is a new framework needed that better reflects the post-2011 Arab world?
    Mediterranean Politics 01/2014; 19(1).
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: Tunisia adopted a progressive and democratic constitution, the most promising of the Arab Spring and perhaps in the modern history of the Middle East. As Tunisians well know, however, implementing the constitution will present daunting challenges. The new government and parliament, expected to be elected in the autumn, will have to quickly address pressing policy challenges: chiefly economic development and domestic security. The constitution creates a political system with many veto players with a thin line between consensus and deadlock. The winners and losers of the next elections must commit themselves to the success of the political process and not a specific electoral outcome in order to set positive precedents for the rule of law and the peaceful transfer of power.
    Mediterranean Politics 01/2014; 19(2).
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: This intervention argues that the events associated with the ‘Arab Spring’, particularly in Egypt, raise important questions for the study of political Islam as a discrete phenomenon or uniquely resonant set of ideas in Muslim societies. It stresses the need for a better understanding of how specific groups utilize Islamist ideas in reshaping the collective imagination over time, and how these processes in turn affect the popularity, strategies and political behaviour of state and non-state actors.
    Mediterranean Politics 01/2014; 19(1).
  • Mediterranean Politics 01/2014; 19(1).
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: China's response to the Arab revolts demonstrates its pragmatic diplomacy. From the perspective of the ‘China–US–MENA triangle’, the Chinese leadership has perceived the revolts as an extension of China's ‘strategic opportunity’ for its economic rise and political expansion abroad in the past two decades. The tactics of China's pragmatic diplomacy are: ‘crossing the river by tossing the stones’, integrating diplomatic tools, implementing constructive intervention, quasi-alliance strategy, and smart economic aid. Through these tactics, China attempts to preserve its commercial interests, ensure the safety of its expatriates, prevent any single power from dominating MENA affairs, and achieve ‘zero problems’ with all parties in the MENA. Nevertheless, due to the changed conditions in the MENA and in reaction to varied domestic opinions on MENA policies, China's pragmatic diplomacy is too elusive to be institutionalized, and will thus face the dilemma of either adhering to its traditional diplomatic principles or safeguarding its rising practical interests in the MENA.
    Mediterranean Politics 01/2014; 19(1).
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: This article investigates the discursive framework of the Greek debt crisis in an attempt to rethink the characterization of the European Union as a post-modern, post-national polity. By scrutinizing speculative speeches delivered by the EU’s prominent politicians, this study argues that Greece is hybridized and constructed as a peripheral member of the EU in-group, part of the in-group, yet further away from the core. Politics of representation surrounding the current crisis show us that the EU is hardly constructed in a post-national/post-modern way.
    Mediterranean Politics 01/2014; 19(1).
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: This paper analyses the perception of the EU as promoting rules for energy regulatory agencies in four southern Mediterranean countries: Algeria, Egypt, Turkey and Jordan. The restructuring of the energy sector, as promoted by the EU in the southern Mediterranean region, is considered to be the main criterion to evaluate the EU's modes of external governance. The EU's modes of governance are comparatively assessed through a perception survey. The case studies have been selected due to their relevance in terms of energy sector restructuring and energy exchanges. Among the modes of governance considered, the top-down approach appears to be the most promising for rules diffusion.
    Mediterranean Politics 01/2014; 19(1).
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: This article discusses the bilateral ties that have been forming between Israel and its periphery – that is, Greece, Cyprus, Azerbaijan and South Sudan – and draws a comparison to Israel's previous relations with Iran, Turkey and Ethiopia. It considers the contribution of those partnerships at the security-intelligence and economic level and suggests its potential impact in the political arena. This research concludes that, despite the dividends that can be gained from security, economic and energy cooperation, its value compared to that of its predecessor is lower based on their instability, domestic issues and lower levels of regional or international influence.
    Mediterranean Politics 01/2014; 19(1).
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: In recent years, the European Union has substantially intensified its non-proliferation policies in the southern Mediterranean. Although the analysis of these policies shows that the Union comes close to what the literature suggests is an ideal type normative power, this interpretation in itself is at odds with other security policies in the southern Mediterranean and with non-proliferation policies outside the region, most notably in Iran. Therefore, this article examines the causes and implications of this inconsistency, and argues that it can be problematic to characterize the EU as a normative power in a geographically and thematically limited issue area.
    Mediterranean Politics 01/2014; 19(1).
  • Mediterranean Politics 01/2014; 19(2).
  • Mediterranean Politics 01/2014; 19(2).
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: Turkey's growing regional presence in the Middle East has been at the centre of several debates recently. This article approaches the debate on Turkey's foreign policy towards the Middle East from a Europeanization perspective. The article assesses the Europeanization of state capacity in relation to Turkey's foreign policy towards the Arab Middle East from 1999 to 2010. It is argued that Turkey's EU accession process has transformed the state, business and increased state capacity to implement Turkey's foreign policy towards the Middle East. This transformation enabled the Turkish government and business actors to improve Turkey's political and economic relations with the Arab Middle East.
    Mediterranean Politics 01/2014; 19(2).
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: An important component of Turkey's ‘pivotal regional power’ status was its non-permanent seat at the UN Security Council in 2009–11. By focusing on two cases – the 2010 flotilla incident and the Iranian nuclearization – this study examines (1) Turkey's regional and global leadership role at the UN Security Council and (2) how the ‘rhythmic diplomacy’ principle of Turkey's foreign policy is exercised internationally. This paper also demonstrates that Turkey's policy of cooperation with other pivotal states signals possible future alliances among rising middle powers that might challenge western preferences on important issues. This study is timely as Turkey is seeking, again, non-permanent membership in the Security Council for the 2015–16 term.
    Mediterranean Politics 01/2014; 19(2).
  • Mediterranean Politics 01/2014; 19(2).
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: The recent Turkish involvement in the Middle East constitutes an important test case for establishing the boundaries of regional power influence in a changing global context. The AKP government in Turkey has become a major supporter of political change and democratization in the era of the Arab revolutions. Accumulating empirical evidence suggests, however, that the highly assertive and pro-active foreign policy of the AKP government in recent years has not been effective in terms of facilitating reform or regime change in Syria or helping to influence the direction of political change in Egypt towards a durable pluralistic order. Indeed, the policy might have been counter-productive in terms of undermining Turkey’s image of a benign regional power, by drawing it to sectarian conflicts and over-engagement in the domestic politics of key Arab states. Turkey has the potential to play an important role model in the highly uncertain world of the Arab revolutions. Its ability to perform this role, however, requires an improvement in its own democratic credentials, rather than being excessively involved in the domestic politics of individual states.
    Mediterranean Politics 01/2014; 19(2).
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: Starting with an empirical puzzle, i.e. the variation in minority-related change in Turkey across time, this article aims to uncover the conditions that promote or constrain domestic change and puts forward a comprehensive theoretical framework for external Europeanization. The article draws on current external Europeanization theories and suggests adopting the pull-and-push model of member state Europeanization in external Europeanization. It argues that domestic change – Turkey's minority policy change in the empirical case – depends on the combination and interaction of EU push and domestic pull factors.
    Mediterranean Politics 01/2014; 19(2).
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: The article analyses the record of the United Nations Special Tribunal for Lebanon, focusing on its domestic impact as well as on the main obstacles the tribunal has faced since its establishment. The study looks at how the legitimacy problems of the STL have deeply affected the tribunal's capacity to deliver justice for the political assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafic Hariri, as well as its potential to foster peace and stability within Lebanon. Analysing the shortcomings of the STL can highlight the inherent challenges international criminal tribunals face in ensuring that the ‘Justice’ delivered by the tribunal meets local perceptions of ‘justice’ as well as the community's need to preserve internal stability and foster reconciliation.
    Mediterranean Politics 01/2014; 19(1).