Mediterranean Politics (MEDITERR POLIT)

Publisher: Taylor & Francis (Routledge)

Journal description

Mediterranean Politics is the only refereed academic journal to focus exclusively on the politics of the whole Mediterranean area, north and south, east and west. It appeared in response to the growing international concern about instability in the area and the implications of regional problems not just for Mediterraneans but for the European Union and the United States as well. The challenges posed by Islamic fundamentalism, environmental degradation and increasing migration have generated national and multilateral initiatives aimed at tackling the problems of the area. Among these is a major effort by the EU designed to help stabilize its Mediterranean periphery. Mediterranean Politics focuses upon political developments, both at the national and the international level. It also analyses the implications of Mediterranean events for Europe and other parts of the world. In particular, the journal examines the results of the present attempt by the EU and 12 neighbouring states to build a Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, involving the creation of a vast free trade area, increased financial co-operation, regular political summits, dialogue across cultures and new security-building mechanisms.

Current impact factor: 0.71

Impact Factor Rankings

2015 Impact Factor Available summer 2015
2009 Impact Factor 0.677

Additional details

5-year impact 0.00
Cited half-life 5.00
Immediacy index 0.05
Eigenfactor 0.00
Article influence 0.00
Website Mediterranean Politics website
Other titles Mediterranean politics (Online)
ISSN 1362-9395
OCLC 55073226
Material type Document, Periodical, Internet resource
Document type Internet Resource, Computer File, Journal / Magazine / Newspaper

Publisher details

Taylor & Francis (Routledge)

  • Pre-print
    • Author can archive a pre-print version
  • Post-print
    • Author can archive a post-print version
  • Conditions
    • Some individual journals may have policies prohibiting pre-print archiving
    • On author's personal website or departmental website immediately
    • On institutional repository or subject-based repository after a 18 months embargo
    • Publisher's version/PDF cannot be used
    • On a non-profit server
    • Published source must be acknowledged
    • Must link to publisher version
    • Set statements to accompany deposits (see policy)
    • The publisher will deposit in on behalf of authors to a designated institutional repository including PubMed Central, where a deposit agreement exists with the repository
    • SSH: Social Science and Humanities
    • Publisher last contacted on 25/03/2014
    • This policy is an exception to the default policies of 'Taylor & Francis (Routledge)'
  • Classification
    ​ green

Publications in this journal

  • Mediterranean Politics 05/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1033908
  • Mediterranean Politics 03/2015; 20(1). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.1001631
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    ABSTRACT: This article offers a qualitative case study of the interaction between Lebanese state institutions and Palestinian authorities concerning the unofficial Palestinian camp of Shabriha. It particularly highlights the indirect nature of these interactions and the brokering role of Lebanese political parties. Governance in Shabriha is conceptualized as a manifestation of a ‘mediated state’, a notion that has been instrumental in understanding governance in sub-Saharan Africa but has not yet been applied to the Mediterranean. Based on empirical insights from Shabriha, the article offers a tentative reconsideration of the mediated state concept in order to extend it to scholarship on Mediterranean politics and governance.
    Mediterranean Politics 03/2015; 20(1). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.984830
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    ABSTRACT: The Turkish presidential elections of 10 August 2014 were the first direct elections in the history of republican Turkey. The election of prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in the first round illustrated his dominant position in Turkish politics, as well as the inability of opposition parties to provide an alternative candidate who appealed to the Turkish electorate. Growing social polarization and concern about emerging autocratic tendencies, corruption allegations and the multilevel crisis in the Middle East failed to dissuade Turkish voters. Nevertheless, the fulfilment of Erdoğan’s declared intention of introducing presidentialism in Turkey will depend on the result of the upcoming parliamentary elections, to be held in June 2015 at the latest.
    Mediterranean Politics 03/2015; 20(1). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.997430
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    ABSTRACT: The 2014 summer war on Gaza was the third in the last six years and in many ways the most devastating one. While the triggers to this war were the kidnapping and killing of the three Israeli teenagers and the subsequent kidnapping and burning alive of a Palestinian teenager, the real reasons can be traced back to the international community's failed and myopic policies towards Gaza. Moreover, by adopting the ‘West Bank first’ strategy the international community has failed to blow some fresh air into what is left of the so-called Middle East Peace Process and has acted as the abettor of the recent war.
    Mediterranean Politics 03/2015; 20(1):1-7. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1007000
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    ABSTRACT: Since coming to power in 2000, Russian president Vladimir Putin has tried to construct a narrative of regaining Russia's status as a major global power. However, in practice the Kremlin has yet to create a coherent strategy or achieve a sense of a co-ordinated foreign policy. While North Africa has not been at the forefront of this narrative, recently Moscow has intensified its diplomatic links and cooperation with the regimes in the region. The Arab Spring presented Russian policy makers with a series of challenges regarding the uncertainty of the developments in the region, but also with renewed economic opportunities. This profile analyses Moscow's relationships with the countries in North Africa (Libya, Egypt, Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria) in the wake of the Arab Spring. In each case the Kremlin aimed to take advantage of the new opportunities without really being guided by an overarching strategy for the region. However, Russia increasingly seems to be keen to position itself in the region as an alternative to the EU or the US, not least in light of the current war in Ukraine.
    Mediterranean Politics 03/2015; 20(1). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1007006
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    ABSTRACT: Even prior to the country's independence, Africa has always been central to Algeria's foreign policy. Algerian nationalists not only found support on the African continent in their struggle for independence, but they also sought to contribute to the decolonization of Africa and to free it from all forms of neocolonialism. Algerian diplomacy became even more involved in African affairs after independence. Using the Role Approach, this article shows how Algerian policymakers exercised various roles within the structures of the Organization of African Unity and, to this day, in those of the African Union to serve the country's perceived national interests. While from the 1960s through the 1990s, Algerians played the roles of developer, mediator, and anti-imperialist, since the 1990s, they have played the role of antiterrorist in order partly to regain the credibility that the regime had lost during the domestic civil strife. The antiterrorist role has been relatively successful as the country succeeded in greatly improving its relations with the West, the United States in particular. At the same time, though, this had led to a relative neglect of Algeria's bilateral relations with African states which allowed its regional rivals to fill the vacuum. However, since 2013, Algeria has shown some resolve in reclaiming its influence on the continent and to strengthen the role it has played in the structures of the African Union.
    Mediterranean Politics 01/2015; 20(1). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.921470
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    ABSTRACT: The popular mass uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) call into question the assumption, widespread prior to the “Arab Spring”, that militaries in these countries were subservient to civilianized and consolidated authoritarian regime incumbents. In most countries militaries have stepped in to suppress uprisings, replace incumbents, or cause civil wars. The analysis of political-military relations explains the immediate outcome of popular mass mobilization in the MENA region and helps re-conceptualize coup-proofing as an important authoritarian survival strategy. Accounting for variation in the degree of officers' loyalty toward incumbents provides an opportunity to test the efficacy of coup-proofing. The article accounts for questions largely ignored in the theoretical literature: which coup-proofing mechanisms work best, and under which circumstances? In a qualitative comparison of Egypt and Syria, the article illustrates that authoritarian regimes have applied fundamentally different coup-proofing strategies. The Syrian regime has engineered integrative strategies to tie officers closer to the incumbent, provoking a greater degree of loyalty during regime crisis than in Egypt where officers were excluded from politics.
    Mediterranean Politics 12/2014; 20(1):1-19. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.932537
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    ABSTRACT: The Syrian crisis has from May 2011 and onwards been met by the EU with rounds of tightening sanctions attempting to put pressure on the Syrian regime and the elites surrounding it. Based on a typology for the sanctions and a periodization showing how the measures have proceeded, the article discusses the EU sanctions and to what degree they have influenced the situation in Syria. Furthermore, the article sheds light on regional and international dimensions of EU policies towards Syria and demonstrates how the policies are met with the Syrian regime's ability to adapt to conditions related to changing internal and external challenges. The article concludes that what in the first phases of the EU sanctions against Syria represented a deviation from the traditional pragmatic EU policies vis-à-vis the Middle East, seems during the latest phase to be followed by a more cautious approach, which also takes security concerns into consideration.
    Mediterranean Politics 12/2014; 20(1):1-18. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.896314
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    ABSTRACT: To understand the current stalemate in the drafting process of the Tunisian constitution, it is important to fathom the path Tunisia has chosen to walk since President Ben Ali fled the country. This article apprehends the post-Ben Ali era as a period of extraordinary politics, i.e. a moment of explicit self-institution of society in which popular participation, following Kalyvas' analysis, aims to transform the institutions of state as well as social imaginaries, cultural orientations and economic structures. It analyses the period following Ben Ali's departure as one in which the organization of free elections and the writing of a new constitution by an elected Constituent Assembly not as a technical process of institution-building aimed at creating a new political system, but as a re-constitutive phase of the political. This phase aims at the radical transformation of power relations within state and society and strives for the re-invention of society itself.
    Mediterranean Politics 12/2014; 20(1):1-17. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2013.874108
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    ABSTRACT: Assessing foreign assistance to Arab states sheds important light on how Western and regional donors have responded to the dramatic changes set in motion by the wave of mass protests that swept across the Middle East in 2011 and beyond. The papers presented in this special issue highlight two essential fingings. First, Western patterns of foreign assistance exhibit remarkable continuity, despite the scale of the uprisings and their effects, and despite the commitment of Western governments to expand assistance in support of the aspirations of Arab protestors. Second, patterns of foreign assistance from the Arab Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries reflect the deepening politicization of Arab foreign assistance, the ongoing shift in regional influence from the Arab East to the Gulf, and the extent to which foreign assistance has become instrumentalized in regional balance of power politics.
    Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.966979
  • Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.966553
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    ABSTRACT: Three years after the demise of the Ben Ali regime in Tunisia, the progress and state of security sector reform (SSR) is in limbo. What have been the main dynamics dragging the reform of the security sector? What role has foreign aid and assistance played in this process? By exploring these questions, this article makes the argument that the approach and vision of multi- and bilateral aid agencies is fundamentally flawed, producing effects at cross-purposes to their stated aims and values. The stalling of SSR reflects the ‘successful’ resistance of the security forces against oversight and accountability by instrumentalizing the deterioration of security and alleged rise of violent extremist threats. Against the backdrop of vocal calls for prioritizing security, the approach followed by foreign actors has thus far barely acknowledged that struggle, thereby unintentionally supporting the increasing autonomy of the security forces. Using the concept of military autonomy, the paper highlights the fact that in the current approach to reform, security risks to take precedence over the political.
    Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.959760
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    ABSTRACT: This contribution assesses the practices of EU aid to Arab countries in the Mediterranean in the post-Arab spring context, and in particular the role of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). It looks at the institutional practices relevant to EU foreign policy vis-à-vis Arab countries, the main ENP policy tenets (often summarized in the ‘more for more’ motto) and the financial practices of committing and disbursing funds on the ENP Instrument. It shows that while there has been a proliferation of institutional actors and a nominal increase in the amount of funds available, the policy tenets did not change and the rate of funds disbursed actually worsened – a situation better described as ‘less of the same’.
    Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.959758
  • Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.966552
  • Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.966983
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    ABSTRACT: Over recent years, international pressure has been increasing for the inclusion of a human rights monitoring mechanism within the MINURSO mandate, thus putting an end to an anomaly among current UN peacekeeping missions. This profile argues that, in the context of the Moroccan proposal for autonomy as the final settlement of the Western Sahara conflict, it makes little sense for Morocco to spend – as it currently does – extensive political capital on opposing such a mechanism. Territorial autonomy is almost exclusively dealt with within a human rights framework, and respect for human rights is considered a sine qua non for a functioning autonomy. The fear that such monitoring would weaken Moroccan sovereignty seems overblown: autonomy arrangements regularly have international oversight mechanisms built into them.
    Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.966961