Mediterranean Politics (MEDITERR POLIT)

Publisher: Taylor & Francis (Routledge)

Journal description

Mediterranean Politics is the only refereed academic journal to focus exclusively on the politics of the whole Mediterranean area, north and south, east and west. It appeared in response to the growing international concern about instability in the area and the implications of regional problems not just for Mediterraneans but for the European Union and the United States as well. The challenges posed by Islamic fundamentalism, environmental degradation and increasing migration have generated national and multilateral initiatives aimed at tackling the problems of the area. Among these is a major effort by the EU designed to help stabilize its Mediterranean periphery. Mediterranean Politics focuses upon political developments, both at the national and the international level. It also analyses the implications of Mediterranean events for Europe and other parts of the world. In particular, the journal examines the results of the present attempt by the EU and 12 neighbouring states to build a Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, involving the creation of a vast free trade area, increased financial co-operation, regular political summits, dialogue across cultures and new security-building mechanisms.

Current impact factor: 0.71

Impact Factor Rankings

2015 Impact Factor Available summer 2015
2009 Impact Factor 0.677

Additional details

5-year impact 0.00
Cited half-life 5.00
Immediacy index 0.05
Eigenfactor 0.00
Article influence 0.00
Website Mediterranean Politics website
Other titles Mediterranean politics (Online)
ISSN 1362-9395
OCLC 55073226
Material type Document, Periodical, Internet resource
Document type Internet Resource, Computer File, Journal / Magazine / Newspaper

Publisher details

Taylor & Francis (Routledge)

  • Pre-print
    • Author can archive a pre-print version
  • Post-print
    • Author can archive a post-print version
  • Conditions
    • Some individual journals may have policies prohibiting pre-print archiving
    • On author's personal website or departmental website immediately
    • On institutional repository or subject-based repository after a 18 months embargo
    • Publisher's version/PDF cannot be used
    • On a non-profit server
    • Published source must be acknowledged
    • Must link to publisher version
    • Set statements to accompany deposits (see policy)
    • The publisher will deposit in on behalf of authors to a designated institutional repository including PubMed Central, where a deposit agreement exists with the repository
    • SSH: Social Science and Humanities
    • Publisher last contacted on 25/03/2014
    • This policy is an exception to the default policies of 'Taylor & Francis (Routledge)'
  • Classification
    ​ green

Publications in this journal

  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: The 2014 summer war on Gaza was the third in the last six years and in many ways the most devastating one. While the triggers to this war were the kidnapping and killing of the three Israeli teenagers and the subsequent kidnapping and burning alive of a Palestinian teenager, the real reasons can be traced back to the international community's failed and myopic policies towards Gaza. Moreover, by adopting the ‘West Bank first’ strategy the international community has failed to blow some fresh air into what is left of the so-called Middle East Peace Process and has acted as the abettor of the recent war.
    Mediterranean Politics 03/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1007000
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: Since coming to power in 2000, Russian president Vladimir Putin has tried to construct a narrative of regaining Russia's status as a major global power. However, in practice the Kremlin has yet to create a coherent strategy or achieve a sense of a co-ordinated foreign policy. While North Africa has not been at the forefront of this narrative, recently Moscow has intensified its diplomatic links and cooperation with the regimes in the region. The Arab Spring presented Russian policy makers with a series of challenges regarding the uncertainty of the developments in the region, but also with renewed economic opportunities. This profile analyses Moscow's relationships with the countries in North Africa (Libya, Egypt, Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria) in the wake of the Arab Spring. In each case the Kremlin aimed to take advantage of the new opportunities without really being guided by an overarching strategy for the region. However, Russia increasingly seems to be keen to position itself in the region as an alternative to the EU or the US, not least in light of the current war in Ukraine.
    Mediterranean Politics 03/2015; 20(1). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1007006
  • Mediterranean Politics 12/2014; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.932537
  • Mediterranean Politics 12/2014; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2013.874108
  • Mediterranean Politics 12/2014; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.896314
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: Assessing foreign assistance to Arab states sheds important light on how Western and regional donors have responded to the dramatic changes set in motion by the wave of mass protests that swept across the Middle East in 2011 and beyond. The papers presented in this special issue highlight two essential fingings. First, Western patterns of foreign assistance exhibit remarkable continuity, despite the scale of the uprisings and their effects, and despite the commitment of Western governments to expand assistance in support of the aspirations of Arab protestors. Second, patterns of foreign assistance from the Arab Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries reflect the deepening politicization of Arab foreign assistance, the ongoing shift in regional influence from the Arab East to the Gulf, and the extent to which foreign assistance has become instrumentalized in regional balance of power politics.
    Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.966979
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    ABSTRACT: Three years after the demise of the Ben Ali regime in Tunisia, the progress and state of security sector reform (SSR) is in limbo. What have been the main dynamics dragging the reform of the security sector? What role has foreign aid and assistance played in this process? By exploring these questions, this article makes the argument that the approach and vision of multi- and bilateral aid agencies is fundamentally flawed, producing effects at cross-purposes to their stated aims and values. The stalling of SSR reflects the ‘successful’ resistance of the security forces against oversight and accountability by instrumentalizing the deterioration of security and alleged rise of violent extremist threats. Against the backdrop of vocal calls for prioritizing security, the approach followed by foreign actors has thus far barely acknowledged that struggle, thereby unintentionally supporting the increasing autonomy of the security forces. Using the concept of military autonomy, the paper highlights the fact that in the current approach to reform, security risks to take precedence over the political.
    Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.959760
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    ABSTRACT: This article traces the impact of the Arab uprisings on US foreign assistance to the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) in the period since 2011. Despite the Obama administration's rhetoric in support of Arab protesters and their demands for political and economic change, and despite the US President's commitment to place the full weight of the US foreign policy system behind political openings created by mass protests, US foreign assistance programs to the MENA region were largely unaffected by the dramatic political changes of 2011 and beyond. The article explains continuity in US foreign assistance as the result of several factors. These include the administration's ambivalence about the political forces unleashed by the uprisings; domestic economic and political obstacles to increases in foreign assistance; institutional and bureaucratic inertia within the agencies responsible for managing foreign assistance programming, and institutional capture of the foreign assistance bureaucracy by implementing organizations with a vested interest in sustaining ongoing activities rather than adapting programs in light of the new challenges caused by the Arab uprisings.
    Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.967015
  • Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.966553
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: This contribution assesses the practices of EU aid to Arab countries in the Mediterranean in the post-Arab spring context, and in particular the role of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). It looks at the institutional practices relevant to EU foreign policy vis-à-vis Arab countries, the main ENP policy tenets (often summarized in the ‘more for more’ motto) and the financial practices of committing and disbursing funds on the ENP Instrument. It shows that while there has been a proliferation of institutional actors and a nominal increase in the amount of funds available, the policy tenets did not change and the rate of funds disbursed actually worsened – a situation better described as ‘less of the same’.
    Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.959758
  • Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.966962
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: This article assesses the effect of the changes in the political and socio-economic context in Egypt as a result of the January 2011 and June 2013 uprisings on the trend and composition of technical assistance to Egypt. The article uses qualitative methodology based on reviewing literature; interviewing senior officials; and observing the operation of donor- funded development projects in Egypt. This article's analysis shows that economic assistance between the two uprisings had a limited effect on the level of development in the country due to the growing role of politics, uncertain security, lack of a developmental vision, and interrupted process of transition.
    Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.966989
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    ABSTRACT: This paper offers an analysis of democracy promotion through the EIDHR in Morocco and Tunisia, before and after the Arab uprisings. It questions the effect of the Arab insurrections on the EIDHR and European Union democracy promotion. These policies are found to be shaped first and foremost by institutional determinants intrinsic to the EU but secondarily sensitive to the human rights realities in Morocco and Tunisia. Therefore, the Arab uprisings represent a contextual event that can trigger minor adjustments but certainly not truly challenge the essence of EU democracy promotion in the region.
    Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.966984
  • Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.966555
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: This paper aims at empirically highlighting the centrality of the Gulf States' role in Arab transitions, continuities and changes in trends of Arab Gulf aid to Arab MENA countries after 2011, and analytically explaining what seems to be contradicting Gulf roles in supporting or undermining certain transitions. It concludes that the Gulf monarchies have played a central role in MENA post-2011, showing a clarity and promptness in strategies and action. The various forms of support provided in several cases as well as the counterrevolutionary actions adopted in other cases boost the Gulf States as a main driver for political stability in the region. What further reinforces the motive of stabilization is the fact that Gulf assistance funds were not merely extended to the Arab spring countries. Rather, a significant share of their generosity went to ‘non-Arab spring countries’. Finally, the paper sheds light on two important dynamics in the flow of Gulf Aid: (1) funds channelled to non-state actors, which appears as an ordinary feature of Gulf aid flow to Arab MENA, and (2) the degree of divergence as regards the roles and motives of Qatar and Saudi Arabia in approaching various cases of Arab transition.
    Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.959759
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: Over recent years, international pressure has been increasing for the inclusion of a human rights monitoring mechanism within the MINURSO mandate, thus putting an end to an anomaly among current UN peacekeeping missions. This profile argues that, in the context of the Moroccan proposal for autonomy as the final settlement of the Western Sahara conflict, it makes little sense for Morocco to spend – as it currently does – extensive political capital on opposing such a mechanism. Territorial autonomy is almost exclusively dealt with within a human rights framework, and respect for human rights is considered a sine qua non for a functioning autonomy. The fear that such monitoring would weaken Moroccan sovereignty seems overblown: autonomy arrangements regularly have international oversight mechanisms built into them.
    Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.966961
  • Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.966552
  • Mediterranean Politics 09/2014; 19(3). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.966983