Mediterranean Politics (MEDITERR POLIT)

Publisher: Taylor & Francis (Routledge)

Journal description

Mediterranean Politics is the only refereed academic journal to focus exclusively on the politics of the whole Mediterranean area, north and south, east and west. It appeared in response to the growing international concern about instability in the area and the implications of regional problems not just for Mediterraneans but for the European Union and the United States as well. The challenges posed by Islamic fundamentalism, environmental degradation and increasing migration have generated national and multilateral initiatives aimed at tackling the problems of the area. Among these is a major effort by the EU designed to help stabilize its Mediterranean periphery. Mediterranean Politics focuses upon political developments, both at the national and the international level. It also analyses the implications of Mediterranean events for Europe and other parts of the world. In particular, the journal examines the results of the present attempt by the EU and 12 neighbouring states to build a Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, involving the creation of a vast free trade area, increased financial co-operation, regular political summits, dialogue across cultures and new security-building mechanisms.

Current impact factor: 0.71

Impact Factor Rankings

2015 Impact Factor Available summer 2016
2009 Impact Factor 0.677

Additional details

5-year impact 0.00
Cited half-life 5.00
Immediacy index 0.05
Eigenfactor 0.00
Article influence 0.00
Website Mediterranean Politics website
Other titles Mediterranean politics (Online)
ISSN 1362-9395
OCLC 55073226
Material type Document, Periodical, Internet resource
Document type Internet Resource, Computer File, Journal / Magazine / Newspaper

Publisher details

Taylor & Francis (Routledge)

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    • SSH: Social Science and Humanities
    • Publisher last contacted on 25/03/2014
    • This policy is an exception to the default policies of 'Taylor & Francis (Routledge)'
  • Classification

Publications in this journal

  • Mediterranean Politics 11/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1092293
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    ABSTRACT: The recent rise in Islamist-inspired women’s activism is posing challenges to the longstanding secular women’s movements in post-Ben Ali Tunisia. Starting from the conviction that cohesive, cross-class women’s coalitions are better suited to achieve gender justice for women of all walks of life, this article draws on the concept of ‘agonistic pluralism’ (Chantal Mouffe) to understand how Tunisia’s women’s movements can deal with the new, multifaceted conflict in their ranks. Through a discussion of the ‘Dialogue of Tunisian Women’, the grounds for strategic coalition-building and ‘agonistic’ engagement between secular and Islamist women’s rights actors are illustrated.
    Mediterranean Politics 11/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1092292
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    ABSTRACT: This article provides a conceptual framework for a special issue of Mediterranean Politics that investigates the transformation processes inaugurated in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen in 2011 in the wake of the uprisings commonly referred to as the “Arab Spring”. It proposes that these processes should not be conceptualized as linear and centrally crafted transitions from authoritarian orders towards preconceived outcomes, but rather, as contested and open-ended transformations. These are best understood through an actor-centered approach that focuses on the choices and strategies of the ‘Politically Relevant Elite’ (PRE) and its interactions with citizens intent on exerting influence, described here as ‘Mobilized Publics’. Drawing on the results of eight research papers presented in this volume, this article argues that the PRE perceived the transformation processes as mechanisms to maximize political resources and monopolize power. The ensuing, increasingly polarized contestations hastened the cooptation and instrumentalization of mobilized publics by the PRE, thus spelling the end of their capacity to offer avenues for broad, bottom-up participation and preparing the ground for renewed top-down control in Egypt and Tunisia, and to state failure and civil war in Libya and Yemen.
    Mediterranean Politics 10/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1081448
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    ABSTRACT: A variety of civil society actors played a major role in the 2011 uprisings in Tunisia that ousted President Ben Ali, but its influence waned in the course of the following transformation process. This article looks at different forms of expressions of contentious politics and non-institutionalized movements, framed here as ‘mobilized publics’, that have intervened in the political process in Tunisia. It proposes that there are significant differences in their respective views on the transformation and the role that they can play in it, and hence the approaches to activism that they chose. Three case studies of mobilized publics – in the field of gender justice, socio-economic justice and transitional justice- are examined according to their different degrees of institutionalization, resources and strategies. The analysis shows how struggles for socio-economic justice and transitional justice have been marginalized and discredited as disruptive by a political elite that wagered on increasing polarization.
    Mediterranean Politics 10/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1081447
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    ABSTRACT: The role of commercial ships in the Mediterranean migration crisis is little-noticed in the media and by the general public, and largely disregarded in the EU’s political responses to the crisis. Whereas large-scale national and regional actions such as the Italian-administered Mare Nostrum and the EU’s Frontex-administered Triton operations have become part of the vocabulary surrounding the crisis, the rescue of 42,000 migrants by commercial vessels in 2014 – and the implications thereof – is rarely commented upon. More importantly, the commercial shipping industry is rendered invisible in the EU policy responses to the Mediterranean migration crisis, which disregards both the efforts and challenges experienced by the industry. For this reason, this profile zooms in on the migration crisis from the point of view of commercial shipping, and argues that it is of fundamental importance that European policy responses to the crisis tackle the multiple disincentives experienced by the commercial shipping industry towards upholding the duty to render assistance to vessels in distress at sea. The concrete policy actions suggested here answer to the challenges experienced by the commercial shipping industry; aid the industry in its efforts to undertake its legal and moral duty to render assistance; and, in effect, save more lives at sea.
    Mediterranean Politics 10/2015; 20(3):1-7. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1084145
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    ABSTRACT: This paper investigates the impact mobilized publics have had on Yemen’s domestic political environment by examining two case studies initiating collective action, with autonomous agency, yet with distinct differences in access to resources. The first case is the Marib Cause, a semi-organized, non-registered community group that protests corruption and demands basic services, employment opportunities and resource redistribution for the benefit of a marginalized region. The second is al-Watan (Homeland), a registered political party established by youth activists who had been involved in the 2011 movement. Both groups emerged as a result of the transformation period, which resulted in an opening up of the political sphere allowing these actors the opportunity to engage in collective action with the goal of impacting policy. The role of these two mobilized publics is analysed by examining their resources and strategies within the political context and tactical interactions between them and the PRE. The two cases represent levels of popular mobilization specific to an exceptional time. Although they were not able to directly influence Yemen’s transformation process, their potential impact on the long-term political, social and cultural environment is significant.
    Mediterranean Politics 10/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1081446

  • Mediterranean Politics 10/2015; 20(3):1-6. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1087106
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    ABSTRACT: Egypt’s military has been the real winner of the country’s political transformation. It was not only successful in preserving the overall power structure, which was challenged by young revolutionaries and Islamist opposition between 2011 and 2013. It also expanded its power within the political relevant elite. The article argues that the gradual approach chosen by the Generals in managing change as well as their ability to maintain a cohesive corporate structure and act therefore as a strong institutional player explain this outcome. However the military’s dominance will hinder socio-economic progress and makes the political order unsustainable over the long run.
    Mediterranean Politics 10/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1081452
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    ABSTRACT: As the formal transformation process in Libya faltered and political and local elites were locked in contestation over shares of power and resources, spaces opened for non-formal movements of citizens pushing to exert influence on the political sphere, and to pursue their interests vis-à-vis state institutions with hitherto unknown forms of contentious action. This article investigates two distinctively different examples of such initiatives: on the one hand, the movement against militia rule and the extension of the mandate of the General National Congress (GNC) that emerged in Tripoli in the fall of 2013 and organized demonstrations for new elections throughout the spring of 2014. On the other, a movement for more equitable access to resources and citizenship rights that emerged in the provincial town of Ubari in the Fezzan region and gained momentum in late 2013 through the (largely peaceful) disruption of oil production. The chapter argues that through their mobilization capacities and innovative forms of contentious action, both movements compelled political and institutional actors to recognize mobilized publics as a force to reckon with, and modify the ways they interact with citizens and the general public.
    Mediterranean Politics 10/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1081453
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    ABSTRACT: This article analyses the confrontations and compromises for domination of the political arena and its rules that are going on in Tunisia since the 2011 revolution between the Islamists of Ennahda party and the networks of so-called secularists and old regime elites – in particular, Nidaa Tounes. On the contrary to accounts that claim that the taming of ideological conflicts between religious and secular parties has given birth to a new democratic society, I argue that the new Tunisian order is the result of a particular type of post-authoritarian political culture that I call bargained competition. It consists in Islamists and old regime elites bargaining on their mutual reintegration and their monopolization of the post-revolutionary political scene while fiercely competing over political resources through various (often informal) power-sharing arrangements.
    Mediterranean Politics 10/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1081449

  • Mediterranean Politics 10/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1087105
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    ABSTRACT: This contribution examines the actors involved in the Yemeni transformation and how the evolving dynamics among them affected the emerging political order. Although constrained by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Initiative, which initiated a peaceful transfer of power, the core politically relevant elite (PRE) used its networks in the political parties, military, tribes and media to continue to pursue its own interests. Thus this article analyses the interplay of a conflict over political power among the elite and the implementation of the GCC Initiative – that is, the nexus between power dynamics and the formal transformation process. In this context, it looks at how PRE actors interacted with other actors, including mobilized publics, such as the Hirak movement, which seeks an independent state in southern Yemen; local conflicts, including the battles between the army and Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) and between Ansarullah (Partisans of God, the Houthi movement) and various tribes and factions of the army; institutions, such as the mechanisms of the NDC; and regional and international powers pursuing their interests in the country by granting or withholding financial or other types of support to various components of the PRE.
    Mediterranean Politics 10/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1081454
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    ABSTRACT: Drawing on the research presented by contributors to this special issue, this article assesses the analytic opportunities that emerge when the Arab uprisings are conceptualized as moments of transformation rather than as incipient, flawed or failed transitions to democracy. Highlighting critical issues that cut across and link the experiences of political relevant elites (PREs) and mobilized publics in the cases of Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, and Yemen, it identifies three sets of issues that warrant further comparative research: the effects of stateness and patterns of state-society relations on the trajectory of Arab uprisings; the role of identity politics and non-state forms of solidarity as drivers of political mobilization and collective action, and the impact of these forms of collective action on possibilities for establishing stable, legitimate forms of governance; and the limits of civil societies and civic sectors in influencing transformational processes.
    Mediterranean Politics 10/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1081450
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    ABSTRACT: The accumulated research on youth movements in general, and on Egyptian ones in particular, analyses the characteristics of the youths who triggered the Arab Spring as well as the particular forms of activism and structures they adopted. Academic work focused on youth activism in Egypt, however, thus far lacks research on how the youth movements modified their strategies according to the political context and the repercussions this had on the transformation process. Hence, through the analysis of the strategies pursued by four youth movements during the course of the Egyptian transformation, this article will show that on one hand, the choice of a certain strategy could be successful in one political context but could fail to yield influence in another. On the other hand, it will shows that the choice of a certain strategy can enable the movements to induce political change in the short term, but it can be liable to become ineffective in the longer term and vice versa.
    Mediterranean Politics 10/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1081445
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    ABSTRACT: Following the premature collapse of an eclectic right-wing and centre-left government, Israelis went to the polls on the 17 March, 2015. Despite what appeared to be a clear-cut right-wing victory, the thirty-fourth government of Israel was constituted 14 May, 2015, over two months after incumbent Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s apparent electoral triumph. This profile examines the contours of Israel’s recent election campaign and formation of a new government, assessing the triumphs and pitfalls of Israel’s major political parties during the election period. Similarly, this profile delineates the major political issues and dominant personalities featuring throughout the campaign. Subsequently, this profile traces the often-frantic coalition negotiations that led to formation of the thirty-fourth Israeli administration. Finally, the domestic and foreign policy implications of an increased hegemony of right-wing parties in the current government are outlined. Conversely, the narrow majority of the new government suggests ideological homogeneity may come with a price of increased political instability for Prime Minister Netanyahu.
    Mediterranean Politics 10/2015; 20(3):1-8. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1084146
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    ABSTRACT: In Lebanon and Jordan the (non-)encampment of Syrian refugees is serving states’ labour market goals. The Lebanese economy ‘requires’ large numbers of non-encamped low-wage Syrian workers, but the Jordanian regime assists its Transjordanian support base by restricting poor Syrians’ access to the labour market through encampment. While acknowledging the importance of both states’ differing historical experiences hosting refugees, and the security and budgetary motivations for policies of (non-)encampment, this article uses a critical political economy analysis of economic and labour market statistics to dislodge the centrality of the security discourses that increasingly inform discussions of refugee populations and the policies directed towards them. It demonstrates that the camp is not only a space of humanitarianism or a fertile ground for armed militancy, but a tool through which states spatially segregate those refugees, of certain socio-economic classes, whom they deem surplus to labour market requirements.
    Mediterranean Politics 09/2015; 20(3):1-19. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1078125

  • Mediterranean Politics 09/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1078099

  • Mediterranean Politics 09/2015; 20(3):433-438. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1078097

  • Mediterranean Politics 09/2015; 20(3):449-450. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1078098