Mediterranean Politics (MEDITERR POLIT)

Publisher: Taylor & Francis (Routledge)

Journal description

Mediterranean Politics is the only refereed academic journal to focus exclusively on the politics of the whole Mediterranean area, north and south, east and west. It appeared in response to the growing international concern about instability in the area and the implications of regional problems not just for Mediterraneans but for the European Union and the United States as well. The challenges posed by Islamic fundamentalism, environmental degradation and increasing migration have generated national and multilateral initiatives aimed at tackling the problems of the area. Among these is a major effort by the EU designed to help stabilize its Mediterranean periphery. Mediterranean Politics focuses upon political developments, both at the national and the international level. It also analyses the implications of Mediterranean events for Europe and other parts of the world. In particular, the journal examines the results of the present attempt by the EU and 12 neighbouring states to build a Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, involving the creation of a vast free trade area, increased financial co-operation, regular political summits, dialogue across cultures and new security-building mechanisms.

Current impact factor: 0.71

Impact Factor Rankings

2015 Impact Factor Available summer 2015
2009 Impact Factor 0.677

Additional details

5-year impact 0.00
Cited half-life 5.00
Immediacy index 0.05
Eigenfactor 0.00
Article influence 0.00
Website Mediterranean Politics website
Other titles Mediterranean politics (Online)
ISSN 1362-9395
OCLC 55073226
Material type Document, Periodical, Internet resource
Document type Internet Resource, Computer File, Journal / Magazine / Newspaper

Publisher details

Taylor & Francis (Routledge)

  • Pre-print
    • Author can archive a pre-print version
  • Post-print
    • Author can archive a post-print version
  • Conditions
    • Some individual journals may have policies prohibiting pre-print archiving
    • On author's personal website or departmental website immediately
    • On institutional repository or subject-based repository after a 18 months embargo
    • Publisher's version/PDF cannot be used
    • On a non-profit server
    • Published source must be acknowledged
    • Must link to publisher version
    • Set statements to accompany deposits (see policy)
    • The publisher will deposit in on behalf of authors to a designated institutional repository including PubMed Central, where a deposit agreement exists with the repository
    • SSH: Social Science and Humanities
    • Publisher last contacted on 25/03/2014
    • This policy is an exception to the default policies of 'Taylor & Francis (Routledge)'
  • Classification
    ​ green

Publications in this journal

  • Mediterranean Politics 06/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1051647
  • Mediterranean Politics 06/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1042711
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    ABSTRACT: This Profile analyses the challenges of interregional coordination for the Secretariat of the Union for the Mediterranean regarding climate change mitigation and adaptation. Mediterranean climate governance is structured around complex governance arrangements, where multiple actors attempt to integrate the issue of climate change. Two key projects offer several opportunities for integrated climate governance in the Mediterranean: the Mediterranean Solar Plan and the Depollution for the Mediterranean. However, the lack of financial commitments for long-term infrastructure investments and bilateral differentiation under the EU's Neighbourhood Policy undermine region-wide cooperation. As a result, fragmentation challenges the Secretariat's efforts to govern each climate sector.
    Mediterranean Politics 06/2015; 20(2):1-7. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1046267
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    ABSTRACT: This study analyses the relationship between checks and balances and democracy, focusing on Turkey in comparative perspective. In a large-N setting, the effects of checks and balances on the quality of democracy are examined. The findings reinforce the essential relationship between democracy and checks and balances. The article then discusses the implications of the the findings for Turkey. It stresses the need for horizontal accountability via checks and balances vested in different state agencies. In addition to state-level checks and balances, the importance of societal actors as sources of accountability is also elaborated. The study identifies the need for vertical accountability, not only through free elections but also by creating a political setting in which pluralistic media and civil society can thrive. In light of findings, the article stresses the need for a new constitutional framework that can embrace both state- and societal-level checks and balances.
    Mediterranean Politics 06/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1042246
  • Mediterranean Politics 06/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1042713
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    ABSTRACT: The military operation in Libya (2011) is a paradigmatic case regarding the growing interaction of new security challenges: regional instability, transnational organized crime and illegal immigration. The main aim of the paper is to answer the question: Why has Italy employed a specifically military instrument to tackle transnational and non-military threats? Through process tracing the research looks at the political debate over the decision-making process in the case of the Italian military engagement in Libya, emphasizing the role played by the strategic culture, international norms and domestic dynamics.
    Mediterranean Politics 06/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1042245
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    ABSTRACT: This contribution focuses on the ‘Arab Spring’ in Morocco and on the interactions between the mainly urban-based activists that made up the 20 February Movement (F20M), and the population in rural areas. Based on six weeks of fieldwork between November 2013 and March 2014, mostly in the areas in and near Marrakech, we find that while the urban F20M events stimulated and inspired protests in rural areas, in practice there were only sporadic contacts based on the activists' personal feelings of belonging rather than their organizational membership. This is mainly due to discursive disconnects between the centre and periphery. As for the outcomes, in particular the new constitution, many respondents believe that nothing has changed so far.
    Mediterranean Politics 05/2015; 20(2):1-19. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1033900
  • Mediterranean Politics 05/2015; DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1042712
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    ABSTRACT: In the aftermath of the July-August 2014 war in Gaza, the Swedish government officially recognized the state of Palestine. This decision triggered a cascade of resolutions adopted in national parliaments of European Union member states and, eventually, led to the adoption of a European Parliament resolution supporting in principle the recognition of Palestinian statehood. Understood collectively, these efforts constitute a multifaceted European attempt to break with the status quo of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This Profile critically analyses these developments and sets the context in which they unfolded, arguing that they are indicative of a complex yet growing European impatience with Israel's policies towards the conflict and with the stalemate of the peace process.
    Mediterranean Politics 05/2015; 20(2):1-7. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1046268
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    ABSTRACT: With the spectre of post-Spring Islamist rule looming, Christians in Syria and Egypt were forced to choose between quasi-secular autocracy and sectarian populism. The status quo ante under al-Assad and Mubarak, though democratically deficient, temporarily contained civil hostilities and afforded Christians with a modicum of secular protection and even prosperity, the degree of which sheds light on the relative absence of Syrian Christian protestors and the salient Coptic presence during the Egyptian revolution. This article explores how socio-economic and religious peripheral designations intersected with state policy to determine political (in) action amongst Christian minorities in two crucial countries of the region.
    Mediterranean Politics 05/2015; 20(2):1-20. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1033903
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    ABSTRACT: In much of the world, those who do not perform ‘mainstream’ understandings of gender and sexuality find themselves on the ‘peripheries’: these individuals and groups are often located outside of institutionalized power, beyond state power structures and often lack the power of representation vis-à-vis those who wield discursive authority (actors such as the state and mainstream media). The power relations that underscore the production of knowledge and identities in this way are discursive, functioning to normalize and naturalize them. This article examines how some representations of gender and sexuality are privileged over others in both western and MENA mainstream discourses relating to the ‘Arab Spring’; how those whose voices have been underrepresented in the mainstream attempt to represent themselves; and how this impacts on the political activities of women and LGBT groups in the MENA.
    Mediterranean Politics 05/2015; 20(2):1-17. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1033906
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    ABSTRACT: The emergence and empowerment of Sahrawi civil protests and pro-independence activism inside the Western Sahara territory under Moroccan occupation have to be seen in the context of varying sets of opportunity structures which this peripheral movement has actively seized in the past two decades by symbiotically combining domestic non-violent resistance and international ‘diplomatic’ activities. Different forms of recognition received from the two reference centres - the Moroccan state and the Polisario Front - plus the international community have been crucial in this process, with the last representing the most significant achievement of the movement. The Arab Spring has been a particularly fruitful window of opportunity in this regard.
    Mediterranean Politics 05/2015; 20(2):1-20. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1033907
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    ABSTRACT: The growing literature on the use of social media for social protests generally, and during the Arab Spring in particular, has generally failed to show a periphery-inclusive perspective. This article employs statistical data on the use of alternative media outlets (Facebook, Twitter, blogs and YouTube) in Egypt's spring to show how an alternative media structure was expanding which not only empowered social and geographic peripheral actors but was, in turn, also empowered by their contributions. YouTube videos and Twitter messages from peripheral areas exposed police brutality towards protestors in the backstreets that could otherwise have been unnoticed and saved lives in isolated areas in Egypt. Social media thus gained critical mass and expanded to the point that it had an overflow effect from the virtual sphere to the real world. Contrasting the roles of alternative and state-run media machines in different phases of the revolution, the article traces how peripheries could challenge the existing opportunity structure through alternative media, but also how their role has contracted again after the revolution reached its peak.
    Mediterranean Politics 05/2015; 20(2):1-18. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1033902
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    ABSTRACT: This article calls for a decentring research agenda and serves as a reminder to look beyond the centres when seeking to understand attempted or accomplished processes of transformation. The Arab Spring is not a unitary whole but part of a variety of processes which differs in terms of space (diverse countries, diverse areas in countries), time (the Ghedim Izik protests in Western Sahara started in October 2010, while protests in the Rif are still ongoing), substance (demands for civil and political rights, equality rights, material claims, autonomy), strategies (from violence to apathy), involved actors (social movements, civil society organizations or individual actors) and outcomes (from regime repression to empowerment of peripheries).
    Mediterranean Politics 05/2015; 20(2):1-8. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1033901
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    ABSTRACT: The emerging literature on the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ has largely focused on the evolution of the uprisings in cities and power centres. In order to reach a more diversified and in-depth understanding of the ‘Arab Spring’, this article examines how peripheries have reacted and contributed to the historical dynamics at work in the Middle East and North Africa. It rejects the idea that the ‘Arab Spring’ is a unitary process and shows that it consists of diverse ‘springs’ which differed in terms of opportunity structure, the strategies of a variety of actors and the outcomes. Looking at geographical, religious, gender and ethnic peripheries, it shows that the seeds for changing the face of politics and polities are within the peripheries themselves.
    Mediterranean Politics 05/2015; 20(2):1-15. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1033905
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    ABSTRACT: Transitions to democracy nourish expectations for an expansion of space for political liberalization, redistribution and recognition. From 2011 to 2013, the landscape for civil society in Tunisia widened with the establishment of several thousand associations. However, during this period vulnerable groups, including sexual minorities, perceived and experienced increased degrees of marginalization. This article analyses the potentialities and boundaries for members of homosexual communities in Tunisia as they manoeuvre through a post-revolution transition characterized by rapid expansions and contractions of the public sphere. It highlights the competing priorities within the public sphere, in particular those voices left on the periphery as a multiplicity of issues are presented for discursive contestation and argues that some groups effectively stand to become more marginalized during the transition to democracy than previously under authoritarian rule.
    Mediterranean Politics 05/2015; 20(2):1-19. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1033904
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    ABSTRACT: This article analyses the evolution of popular protest in the Rif within the Moroccan context of contention. It considers the specificity of the demands expressed and the strategies for mobilization adopted as a result of a long-term process of regional activism. The article finds that protesters in the Rif have had agency to conduct their own strategies, using the opportunity structure opened at state level to advance their own agenda. The pre-existing mobilizing structures and the reproduction of patterns of centre-periphery tension in the course of the contention have fostered a progressive localization of protest in the region, which has strengthened regional identity and regionalist activism in the Rif.
    Mediterranean Politics 05/2015; 20(2):1-18. DOI:10.1080/13629395.2015.1033908
  • Mediterranean Politics 03/2015; 20(1). DOI:10.1080/13629395.2014.1001631