Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations

Publisher: Centre for the Study of Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations (Birmingham, England), Taylor & Francis (Routledge)

Journal description

Islam and Christian - Muslim Relations (ICMR) was launched in June 1990 and has been hailed by scholars of Islam, Christianity and religion in general, as well as by social scientists, educationists, community and religious leaders. Interest has come from a great variety of Christians and Muslims eager to understand the problems, opportunities and successes experienced in Christian-Muslim coexistence. ICMR provides a forum for all those who wish to enhance their critical appreciation of the two religious traditions on historical, empirical, ideological, and theoretical levels.

Current impact factor: 0.00

Impact Factor Rankings

Additional details

5-year impact 0.00
Cited half-life 0.00
Immediacy index 0.00
Eigenfactor 0.00
Article influence 0.00
Website Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations website
Other titles Islam and Christian Muslim relations (Online), Islam & Christian Muslim relations
ISSN 0959-6410
OCLC 49667635
Material type Document, Periodical, Internet resource
Document type Internet Resource, Computer File, Journal / Magazine / Newspaper

Publisher details

Taylor & Francis (Routledge)

  • Pre-print
    • Author can archive a pre-print version
  • Post-print
    • Author can archive a post-print version
  • Conditions
    • Some individual journals may have policies prohibiting pre-print archiving
    • On author's personal website or departmental website immediately
    • On institutional repository or subject-based repository after a 18 months embargo
    • Publisher's version/PDF cannot be used
    • On a non-profit server
    • Published source must be acknowledged
    • Must link to publisher version
    • Set statements to accompany deposits (see policy)
    • The publisher will deposit in on behalf of authors to a designated institutional repository including PubMed Central, where a deposit agreement exists with the repository
    • SSH: Social Science and Humanities
    • Publisher last contacted on 25/03/2014
    • This policy is an exception to the default policies of 'Taylor & Francis (Routledge)'
  • Classification
    ​ green

Publications in this journal

  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: This article examines the sense of Jewish vulnerability and exclusion in Europe that has resulted from manifestations, and Jewish perceptions, of the “new anti-Semitism,” and the role of Islamic communities in Europe in propagating this form of hatred of Jews. First emerging in 2000 with the outbreak of the second Palestinian Intifada, and tied in with the Middle East conflict, anger at Israel is directed at Diaspora Jewish communities. This “new anti-Semitism” targets the Jewish collective with the characteristics of anti-Semitism previously aimed at individual Jews. The article focuses on the wave of anti-Semitism that erupted as a result of the 2014 Israeli-Hamas War. Based on an analysis of European Jewish communities, it considers the active part played by European Muslim communities in perpetrating the new anti-Semitism. Using an analysis of survey data, emigration statistics and newspaper opinion articles by leading European Jewish intellectuals, the article considers how the new anti-Semitism is adversely affecting Jewish-Muslim relations and the concomitant sense of “belonging” of European Jewry. The article considers what is required to overcome the new anti-Semitism propagated by Muslim communities to restore a greater sense of Jewish belonging to, and identification with, Europe.
    Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 11/2015; 26(2):219-236. DOI:10.1080/09596410.2015.1009297
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: While the cases of Anders Behring Breivik and Mohamed Merah clearly demonstrate the impact of social networks and the role of the Internet and prison on the radicalization process, the killings in Norway and France in fact expose larger issues that exist within contemporary Europe, including profound identity crises manifesting as Islamist extremism in some quarters and far-right extremism in others. This article discusses the individual pathways towards extremism of Merah and Breivik, the interconnectivity of two extremisms and how these can be understood as mirrored manifestations of an identity crisis in Europe.11. A shorter version of this article was presented at the international conference on “Europe and Islam in the 21st Century,” organized by the Monash European and EU Centre, Monash University, Prato, Italy, June 20-21, 2013. I would also like to thank Associate Professor Pete Lentini, and Dr Natalie Doyle for having inspired me to continue this research that is close to my heart.View all notes
    Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 11/2015; 26(2):183-204. DOI:10.1080/09596410.2015.1015246
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: On February 14, 2013, the Tribunal Supremo of Spain handed down a judgement which gave constitutional protection to the burka and which also contained important statements concerning contemporary Spanish society, its religious and cultural diversity and the convivencia of cultures and religions. Contrary to the position of the Tribunal Supremo, and showing very little variation, the political discourse is in favour of a ban, basing its arguments principally on women's rights, but with a perceptible shift towards public safety. This article will examine this bifurcated reaction to this manifestation of renewed religious diversity in Spain: the politicians’ arguments in favour of prohibition reflect the protectionist view of the French and Belgian parliamentary debates prohibiting the burka, but place them in the framework of the post-Franco rights-based society. On the other hand, the Tribunal Supremo anchors its judgement in a narrative of a free and democratic Spanish state and society in which a woman's individual freedom of choice takes precedence over all other considerations, including social norms.
    Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 11/2015; 26(2):165-182. DOI:10.1080/09596410.2014.997964
  • Source
    [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: Since 9/11, 2001, a new form of religious extremism has arguably emerged, one which paradoxically portrays itself as a counter to another perceived extremism regarded as a real and imminent threat. Within North America and Western Europe, as elsewhere, there is an upsurge of various forms of reactionary rhetoric and opposition expressed towards Islam and Muslims. An increase in extremist behaviour, even violence, is appearing from quarters opposed to, or varyingly fearful of, Islamic extremism if not Islam or Muslims. Islamophobia, as a manifestation of fear of an exclusionary Islam, manifests as exclusionary or negatively reactive behaviours with Muslims and Islam as the target. This article explores the idea that Islamophobia can be regarded as a manifestation of religious extremism and, further, that such extremism is construable as “reactive co-radicalization.” It focuses on two European cases - the 2009 Swiss ban on the building of minarets and the 2011 Norwegian massacre carried out by Anders Breivik - as examples of this “reactive co-radicalization.” This term, I suggest, is an apt denominator for the exclusionary reaction to the rising presence of Islam within otherwise secular, albeit nominally Christian, Western European and North American societies, among others.
    Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 11/2015; 26(2):205-218. DOI:10.1080/09596410.2014.1000025
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: In the lead-up to Australia committing military resources and personnel to the coalition opposing the Islamic State in the Levant (ISIL), Prime Minister Tony Abbott consistently categorized the al-Qaeda splinter group as a “death cult.” Examining Abbott's official rhetoric on ISIL and the threat it poses to Australia and the world, this article argues that his use of the term “death cult” reflects patterns in Western political demonology and demonizing enemies, namely, creating adversaries as monsters by highlighting the atrocities they commit in order to garner support for (often lethal) actions against them. In traditional political demonology, establishment representatives often target minority or marginal groups as these pariahs. However, in demonizing ISIL, Abbott deliberately made distinctions between it and its members and the majority of Muslims, including Australian Muslims, and utilized political demonology differently. In so doing, he affirmed this religious minority's status within the parameters of Australian citizenship. This is indeed commendable. However, Abbott rarely mentioned Muslims outside of references to terrorism. Despite the fact that Abbott acknowledges that only a comparative handful of Muslims are indeed violent, he has not yet fully engaged with the broader notions of Australian Muslims’ contributions to Australian society and their citizenship.
    Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 11/2015; 26(2):237-252. DOI:10.1080/09596410.2015.1007605

  • Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 11/2015; 26(2):131-132. DOI:10.1080/09596410.2015.1013728
  • Source
    [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, the overmediatization of Islam and Muslims in Europe has only worsened the perception of them and relationships with them. Communities have been stigmatized by the media because of inappropriate behaviours attributable to many players in the game. All this fear of Islam (Islamophobia) has increasingly transformed into an attitude of rejection towards this paradoxically close and distant Other, which has become a sort of “enemy.” Islam is essentially perceived through the claims of a quite visible minority who believe they have the potential to call into question “European values” (to be defined) in the name of their faith, which is considered by some as aggressive and in search of conquest.This article proposes a change of focus towards being more creative when speaking about Muslims and favouring a more civic approach. Before being Muslims, they are people who enjoy a legal framework that assures them of their dignity and their individual freedom in exchange for fulfilling their civic duties towards the State and their fellow citizens.
    Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 11/2015; 26(2):133-144. DOI:10.1080/09596410.2014.991137

  • Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 11/2015; DOI:10.1080/09596410.2015.1070608

  • Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 10/2015; 26(4):522-524. DOI:10.1080/09596410.2015.1053705

  • Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 10/2015; 26(4):483-501. DOI:10.1080/09596410.2015.1080976

  • Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 09/2015; DOI:10.1080/09596410.2015.1080896

  • Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 08/2015; DOI:10.1080/09596410.2015.1073884

  • Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 07/2015; DOI:10.1080/09596410.2015.1070607

  • Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 07/2015; DOI:10.1080/09596410.2015.1070468

  • Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 07/2015; DOI:10.1080/09596410.2015.1070489

  • Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 07/2015; DOI:10.1080/09596410.2015.1070491

  • Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 07/2015; DOI:10.1080/09596410.2015.1067064

  • Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 07/2015; DOI:10.1080/09596410.2015.1057045
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: This essay examines the notions of revelation and prophecy as offered by Fazlur Rahman and Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd. Their ideas regarding prophecy and revelation contribute to the clarification of some foundational issues in Islamic theology. For both Rahman and Abu Zayd, theology begins with the idea that divine revelation is intended for human beings. So, even though this revelation is divine in origin, it is also mostly intelligible. This rethinking of the idea of revelation is welcomed by some Muslim thinkers, but has not met with so positive a reception in more traditional Islamic circles. I argue that what makes these human-centric accounts of revelation controversial is the idea of Muhammad's “contribution” to the revelation process and the article investigates this idea as it is formulated in the work of these two scholars.
    Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 07/2015; 26(3). DOI:10.1080/09596410.2015.1040240
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: This study historicizes and contextualizes the contrasting representations of Alevism in the early writings of Stephen van Rensselaer Trowbridge, a Protestant missionary, and Baha Said Bey, a Turkish activist and researcher. Both Trowbridge and Baha Said undertook extensive research on Alevi culture in the early twentieth century. Though their works appear to be “benevolent” endeavors, giving voice to the Alevi subaltern, by first studying the political and cultural backgrounds of Trowbridge and Baha Said, this article exposes the cultural and ideological motivations that influenced their studies. It then focuses on how these political concerns are expressed in representations of Alevism. Given the dearth of postcolonial and critical perspectives on Alevism, investigating the praxis of representation can help trace overtly political concerns beyond their scholarly treatments. Based on Gayatri Spivak's theorization in her essay “Can the Subaltern Speak?,” this paper scrutinizes how these writings negate the agency of Alevis and portray them as waiting for salvation by external proxies – be they Western missionaries or the Turkish government.
    Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 07/2015; 26(3). DOI:10.1080/09596410.2015.1045177