Urban anthropology Journal Impact Factor & Information

Publisher: Institute for the Study of Man (Brockport, N.Y.); Institute, Inc. (Brockport, N.Y.)

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Other titles Urban anthropology and studies of cultural systems and world economic development, Urban anthropology
ISSN 0363-2024
OCLC 15079109
Material type Periodical
Document type Journal / Magazine / Newspaper

Publications in this journal

  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: "This paper examines the issues of who is likely to migrate and why, and what happens when people migrate, by viewing the migratory process as a strategy formulated and implemented by networks of kin for culturally surviving the redefinitions of contemporary political systems within the context of the capitalist world economy. Specifically the argument presented is that people move across the juridical boundaries of contemporary nation-states as part of household strategies designed to maintain membership in a specific social stratum. For a substantial number this social stratum is a middle class. Self-identification with a social stratum, in other words, takes precedence over self-identification with, and commitments to, nation, region or ethnic group."
    Urban anthropology 01/1995; 24(3-4):281-312.
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    ABSTRACT: "This paper examines migration to Oaxaca City, an intermediate city in southern Mexico, and describes the differences between migrants and non-migrants. The data show that migrants to Oaxaca City tend to come from district capitals rather than more rural municipios. Once in Oaxaca, migrants are not as different from non-migrants as is commonly asserted in the literature."
    Urban anthropology 02/1991; 20(1):15-29.
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    ABSTRACT: The use of ethnographic methods to estimate the number of homeless persons in the United States is explored. The authors describe how "ethnographic methods were integrated with survey procedures in a 1989 Census Bureau pilot test of an experimental daytime count of homeless persons in Baltimore, MD. We demonstrated that ethnographic techniques do not have to be merely supplemental to survey research, but can play an integral part in shaping the entire procedure. Ethnographic data proved valuable for choosing sites, designing questionnaires and developing new interview approaches, and have since proven equally useful in interpreting the test results."
    Urban anthropology 02/1991; 20(2):127-40.
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    ABSTRACT: "This paper examines the relationships between migration and the life cyle of households in contexts where the economic activities of peasant families are increasingly diversified and where off-farm labor has come to form a vital part of subsistence strategies. Research from the department of Puno, southern Peru is used to explore the issues this raises including: (a) differences between externally induced economic differentiation and the life cycle dynamics of peasant households; (b) the differing migratory patterns of rich and poor households; and (c) the effects of migration on household labor supply and productive organization. The paper concludes by suggesting that for poor families, who exercise less control over the timing of the migratory process, migration may cause disruptive effects in [production], a reorientation of the household division of labor, and changes in reproductive decision-making."
    Urban anthropology 02/1985; 14(4):279-99.

  • Urban anthropology 01/1985; 12(2):141-159.
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    ABSTRACT: The social reality of an urban rehabilitation project is examined through the prism of three time perspectives as embedded in three corresponding perceptions of "community." Based on a fieldwork conducted in an Israeli neighborhood administered by a national renewal scheme, the paper unfolds the various time-related dilemmas engendered by the operation of the project and portrays the strategies adopted by members of staff (community and social workers as well as residents) in constructing socially reinforced images of community. Each of these images attests to a respective temporal pattern which is both an emergent property of the social context at hand and a generation of its structure. This perspective provides an analytic device with which issues of community boundaries and transformation in interests and relationships could be reconsidered.
    Urban anthropology 01/1984; 13(1):33-64. DOI:10.2307/40553019

  • Urban anthropology 01/1984; 13(4):309-327. DOI:10.2307/40553037
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    ABSTRACT: Residing in the recently established township of KwaMashu to the north of Durban where they were employed, Zulu Zionists formed small religious groups which addressed themselves to the alleviation of poverty and ill health. Zionist healing services upheld sorcery as the most common explanation of affliction while being designed to safeguard sufferers against it. Zionists would not dabble in sorcery but acknowledged it as an external reality by continually grappling with it. Internal conflicts were not expressed in an accusation of sorcery, mainly because the group was too fragile to contain it, and accusations were directed towards non-Zionists. Yet sorcerers are not identified as individuals, even vaguely. Instead, there is a tendency to socially expand the origin of sorcery to coincide with the major categories of outside association, i.e., neighbor and fellow-worker. Lacking the means either of socially denigrating or mystically damaging an identified assailant, Zionists gain nothing by unmasking an individual sorcerer. The adoption of a defensive attitude at once renders sorcery anonymous and endemic to the outside, to the city as a whole, and ensures internal cohesion as a prerequisite for responding to it. In its attitude to sorcery, Zionism opts for imprisoning its members within a set of relationships rather than excluding some by direct accusation.
    Urban anthropology 01/1984; 13(2):219-236. DOI:10.2307/40553027
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    ABSTRACT: The situation of the Jewish community in Tripoli, at the end of the eighteenth and beginning of nineteenth century, is described and analyzed. The Jews had the official status of dhimmis under Islamic law, but this definition allowed a wide range of participation in economic and social life. The cultural delineation of the Jews' position itself could be used as a source of leverage in interaction with Muslims. Jewish well-being also varied with the individual ruler of the town, reacting to external economic and political developments. At this period the state supported piracy was being undermined by European powers, affecting all Tripolitan society. A weekly sports contest among Jews, in the Jewish quarter of the town, is analyzed as a representation of Tripoli's struggle against European powers. For this reason the contest attracted the attention of all the town's inhabitants.
    Urban anthropology 01/1984; 13(1):65-90. DOI:10.2307/40553020
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    ABSTRACT: Ethnic voluntary organizations are frequently diffuse organizationally. This organizational feature, it is argued, performs particular functions of mobilization in its own right; distinct from and in tension with the more explicit objectives of rationalized bureaucratic structures. As voluntary agencies, these ethnic associations must persuade potential members to join rather than to compel them. In so doing, the more ambiguous are the aims of the association and diffuse its organization, the more likely it is to be able to mobilize a broader and more inclusive cross-section of the ethnic population with which it is identified. The success of an ethnic association in performing this task of mobilization may however make it less effective as a channel for specific and explicit economic or political objectives. Thus the proliferation of Armenian associations in London and the diffuse and loosely articulated organizational framework which results thereby allows for the active participation in this ethnic community of a highly diversified membership. But on the other hand, the diffuseness of Armenian associations also discourages the development of an effective lobbying association or of a concerted movement to coordinate Armenian interests vis a vis other social groupings in London.
    Urban anthropology 01/1984; 13(2):197-217. DOI:10.2307/40553026

  • Urban anthropology 01/1984; 13(4):415-416. DOI:10.2307/40553044
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    ABSTRACT: This report describes the findings of a census of 847 households, carried out in a suburban area located 2 km. from the city center of Surakarta, or Solo (population, 1980: 469,532), in Central Java. It begins by reviewing some problems associated with defining the household in Javanese Society. On this foundation, it records the following features of the households surveyed: ethnicity, size, membership (number of core members, servants, etc.), composition type (nuclear, stem, etc.), the prevalence of various types of domestic unit (" multiplefamily households," "household groups," "household clusters," etc.), and the kinship ties occurring within these units. Our findings, together with those of other researchers, support an earlier suggestion that nuclear households are less prevalent in urban than in rural areas of Java. The evidence to date also suggests 4 that about one-third of urban households may belong to "household clusters," in contras to about twothirds of rural households. Analysis of the kinship ties responsible for structuring the households, household groups, and household clusters in the study area revealed a slight degree of uxorilocality between married children and intact parental couples, but none between married children and their widowed parents. The lower prevalence of nuclear households and the larger average household size in urban, as compared with rural, Java, and the lower prevalence of nuclear households and larger average core household size among the Javanese people, as compared with the generally more prosperous Chinese, in urban Surakarta all suggests that housing in urban Java is particularly hard to come by and therefore highly overpriced and congested.The few relevant economic statistics which are available support this conclusion. Both of these trends run counter to ones which have been found to prevail in a wide variety of historical and cross-cultural comparisons.
    Urban anthropology 01/1984; 13(2):145-196. DOI:10.2307/40553025
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    ABSTRACT: This paper deals with patterns of space allocation in a sample of low SES families, with particular reference to sleeping arrangements. Home space is treated as a family resource, and its uses as the reflection of the interplay between objective constraints, family goals, and the relative power of family members. Three aspects of families' allocation of space were analyzed: (1) differential accessibility of family members to territory, (2) degrees of privacy available to different family members, and (3) allocation of space for the presentational purposes of the household. The findings point to a secondary (and weak) position of children in all aspects of space allocation. Their needs as a special age group receive less consideration than parents' needs and representational needs of the group as a whole The main argument of this paper is that the use of space and the patterns of space allocation within the household can serve as indices to the power structure of the family and its order of priority. The implications of space allocation for the socialization process within the family are discussed in the conclusion.
    Urban anthropology 01/1984; 13(1):117-144. DOI:10.2307/40553022
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    ABSTRACT: This paper selectively examines the social organization of the middle class and the urban poor in the North Indian city of Jaipur, the relationships which articulate them together, and the interpretations which the city residents themselves place on the inequalities of which they are a part. The structured co-presence of a State-employed middle class population and a predominantly self-employed one of urban poor is widely encountered in the Third World urban areas. In Jaipur this has resulted in a substantial material divide between the two classes and, from an observer's perspective, the middle class exercises considerable power over the majority of the population. In this paper it is argued that whilst, however, the pervasiveness of material inequalities is widely recognized (i.e., privileged and poor can be characterized as class aware) the economic and social circumstances of both classes are not conducive to the emergence of class consciousness.
    Urban anthropology 01/1984; 13(2):261-294. DOI:10.2307/40553029
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    ABSTRACT: The suburbs of Prague evolved for the most part from peripheral medieval villages. Out of eleven suburbs that had merged with Prague prior to World War I, only three developed according to principles of city planning. The original village cores survived in part until the 1960s, and in a few instances to the present day. The transformation of peripheral village into suburban developments began early in the 19th century. The main construction, which took place between the 1870s and World War II, reflects the zoning laws of the times, local conditions and customs, and the economic character of the inhabitants (whether workingmen, merchants, or bureaucrats). Among the stylistic innovations one can identify those influenced by empire (during the first half of the 19th century), various pseudostyles of the second half of the 19th century (secession and cubism left only slight traces), and constructivism, whose influence was pronounced. The individual stages are typified by the sum of technical and stylistic elements: the various stylistic layers. For example, in the 1890s the suburbs were characterized by internal courtyards or even gardens, and four-story construction in pseudobaroque. The various stages to be discussed are: up to the 1860s; 1860s through 1890s; 1890s through 1922, when Greater Prague was established; 1922 until the end of new construction in 1940 (World War II); the period subsequent to 1945. Each of these stages will be characterized by reference to zoning, style, socioeconomic conditions, etc.
    Urban anthropology 01/1984; 13(4):355-399. DOI:10.2307/40553039