Feminist Review (FEMINIST REV )

Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan

Journal description

Feminist Review is the UK's leading feminist journal. Since its inception in 1979 it has played a key role in publishing debates in and around feminism. It is produced by an editorial collective based in London and has a growing network of international corresponding editors. A unique combination of the academic and the activist, it has an acclaimed position within women's studies courses and the women's movement. Feminist Review is available both on annual subscription and from bookstores. It features articles on: feminist theory 'race' and ethnicity class sexuality women's history Black and Third World feminism cultural studies photography, poetry, cartoons, letters and much more.

Current impact factor: 0.44

Impact Factor Rankings

2015 Impact Factor Available summer 2015
2009 Impact Factor 0.431

Additional details

5-year impact 0.66
Cited half-life 0.00
Immediacy index 0.21
Eigenfactor 0.00
Article influence 0.30
Website Feminist Review website
Other titles Feminist review
ISSN 0141-7789
OCLC 6191763
Material type Periodical, Internet resource
Document type Journal / Magazine / Newspaper, Internet Resource

Publisher details

Palgrave Macmillan

  • Pre-print
    • Author can archive a pre-print version
  • Post-print
    • Author cannot archive a post-print version
  • Restrictions
    • 18 months embargo
  • Conditions
    • Pre-print on personal and employers websites, a free public pre-print server
    • Pre-print must state where article has been submitted
    • Must change to accepted by if accepted
    • Once published must update acknowledgement with set statement (see policy)
    • Author's version only
    • Post-print on institutional repository or funding body's repository
    • Must be clearly identified as authors post-peer-review, pre-copy-edit version
    • Must link to publisher version
    • Publisher copyright must be acknowledged with set statement (see policy)
    • Please see link below for list of journals not covered by this policy
  • Classification
    ​ yellow

Publications in this journal

  • Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).
  • Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).
  • Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: This paper sets out a framework for understanding the impacts of the financial crisis and its aftermath that is based on the idea of three interacting spheres: finance, production and reproduction. All of these spheres are gendered and globalised. The gendered impact of the current crisis is discussed in terms of the impact on unemployment, employment protection and security, public sector services, social security benefits, pensions, and the real value of wages and living standards. Drawing on the analysis of the UK Women’s Budget Group, the paper demonstrates that the biggest falls in disposable income as the result of austerity policies by the Conservative-led government since 2010 have been borne by the most vulnerable women—lone mothers, single women pensioners and single women without children. Working-age couples without children have been least affected. The paper then goes on to discuss what an alternative economic strategy, based on feminist political economy, might look like. It utilises the notion of the ‘reproductive bargain’, first developed to understand the transition in Cuba in the 1990s. It sets out a possible feminist economic strategy that insists on the incorporation of reproductive and care work into the analysis of alternative economic policies and links employment, wages and social security payments to public provisioning of trans-generational reproductive services. It suggests feasible strategies to finance the proposed Plan F—a feminist economic strategy.
    Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: In this article I examine the friction between xenophobic discourses on migration and the crisis caused by the politics of austerity in Greece. On the one hand, an ‘excessive’ influx of migration is managed through violent means by the state and the para-state; on the other, a ‘scarcity’ of domestic resources is blamed for a ‘rise’ in racist attitudes, and the political ascent of a fascist movement-cum-parliamentary party, Χρυσή Αυγή (Golden Dawn). ‘Crisis’ is said to give rise to ‘austerity’—and hostility. Inverting the inverted causal relationship between crisis, austerity and hostility, I problematise representations of hostility towards migrants that construct racism as a consequence of economic conditions or even as the antidote to the ‘bitter pill’ Greeks have been forced to swallow. I examine how racialised and gendered violence secures the politics of austerity in Greece focusing on three eruptions of violence (the feminicidal acid attack on Konstantina Kouneva, the murder of Shehzad Luqman and the drowning of eleven refugees near the island of Farmakonisi). I draw concrete connections between the politics of austerity and what, drawing on Sara Ahmed, might be termed an ‘affective economy of hostility’ that articulates racialised and gendered modes of belonging and estrangement. Some bodies are rendered vulnerable and precarious, while others assert an entitled relation to national space while being economically disentitled by austerity measures.
    Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).
  • Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).
  • Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).
  • Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).
  • Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).
  • Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).
  • Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).
  • Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).
  • Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: In this article, I argue for the distinctness of the 2013 Gezi uprisings from other anti-austerity protests. With a materialist feminist eye on the third-term AKP government’s conservative authoritarianism, I explore the causal links among patriarchal, racist biopolitics, heteronormative family values and increasing austerity measures. My broader analytical goal is to demonstrate the centrality of moral politics to uneven, security-based neoliberal regulations across markets, public spaces, and civic expression in and beyond Turkey. Second, I zoom in on the mothers’ rallies and gendered, ethnic acts of mourning to analyse the performative constitution of multiple publics during the protests. What exclusions have the participants produced in the name of inclusion? How can a performance paradigm help us understand the contradictory uses of space among and against the protestors, and more broadly, the relevance of embodied dissent to different visions of social justice? To deepen our intersectional feminist analysis, I suggest taking performances seriously, from human chains to soundscapes of resistance, stillness, and brutality; and from eclectic dance forms to architectural disruptions. Attending to the uprisings’ fault-lines and radical contributions, I also caution against ‘romancing resistance’. Hope with qualms is what remains.
    Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: Feminist scholars have been highly attentive to the ways that crises have become an everyday technique of global governance. They are particularly sensitive to the mechanisms through which ‘crisis management’ entrenches the power of particular economic orders and constrains the possibilities, and space, for contestation and critique. This paper seeks to contribute to but also to extend existing feminist research on financial crisis by arguing that, over the course of what has commonly been labelled the ‘global financial crisis’, the emergence of ‘crisis governance feminism’ has enabled existing structures and mechanisms of gendered privilege, such as the global financial industry, to suppress calls for their overhaul and to re-entrench their power in the global political economy. Adopting a discursive approach to gender and governance that situates gender centrally in understanding governance discourses and their reproduction of common sense (about what people do, how they labour, where they invest and so on), this paper argues that the governance of crisis in the contemporary era, in particular the various actors, institutions, policies and ideas that have sought to describe and ‘contain’ the global financial crisis, are gendered. Gender has become, in the contemporary global political economy, a technique of governance, and with deleterious effects. Despite inciting more discussion of ‘gender’ in economic systems than ever before (particularly in terms of discussions of ‘economic competitiveness’), this paper argues that the ‘global financial crisis’ has precipitated and continues to reproduce techniques of governance that trivialise feminist concerns while further embedding a masculinised, white and elitist culture of global financial privilege.
    Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).
  • Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).
  • Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).
  • Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).
  • Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).
  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: Since coming to power in 2010, the UK Coalition government has enacted a series of cuts to public spending, under the auspices of austerity. Underpinning these cuts is a neo-liberal model of citizenship, in which citizens are expected to be autonomous, independent and economically productive, and in which the responsibilities of citizenship outweigh the rights. This model of citizenship is characterised by a paradoxical approach to social reproduction. The Coalition government has taken a significant interest in social reproduction as a means of creating the next generation of ‘good’ neo-liberal citizens; yet, the current austerity measures involve the withdrawal of state support for social reproduction activities. Drawing on participant observation carried out with migrant women’s groups in Sheffield and Manchester, as well as interviews with group members, this article demonstrates how the government’s paradoxical approach to social reproduction, combined with gendered and racialised discourses of citizenship and ‘Britishness’, have led to policies that place ethnic minority migrant women in an untenable situation. The social reproduction activities of ethnic minority migrant women are the subject of intense government interest, because of the concern that they will be unable to produce ‘good’ neo-liberal citizens. In some cases, this has led to government policies clearly intended to dissuade ‘undesirable’ migrants from having children. In other cases, migrant women are expected to show their commitment to integration, both for themselves and their children, specifically by learning English, even as the government has drastically cut funding for English as a Second or Other Language (ESOL) classes. While seemingly paradoxical, this is in keeping with a racialised neo-liberal model of citizenship under which the ‘responsible’ migrant mother should be able to parent and learn English without government assistance. Nonetheless, these policies are actually self-defeating, as they prevent migrant women from exhibiting the very characteristics of neo-liberal citizenship that they are ostensibly trying to encourage.
    Feminist Review 02/2015; 109(1).