Indian Economic & Social History Review Journal Impact Factor & Information

Publisher: Delhi School of Economics, SAGE Publications

Journal description

Indian Economic & Social History Review focuses on the history, economy and society of India and South Asia, and includes comparative studies of world development.

Current impact factor: 0.00

Impact Factor Rankings

Additional details

5-year impact 0.00
Cited half-life 0.00
Immediacy index 0.00
Eigenfactor 0.00
Article influence 0.00
Website Indian Economic & Social History Review website
Other titles The Indian economic and social history review
ISSN 0019-4646
OCLC 1752856
Material type Periodical, Internet resource
Document type Journal / Magazine / Newspaper, Internet Resource

Publisher details

SAGE Publications

  • Pre-print
    • Author can archive a pre-print version
  • Post-print
    • Author can archive a post-print version
  • Conditions
    • Authors retain copyright
    • Pre-print on any website
    • Author's post-print on author's personal website, departmental website, institutional website or institutional repository
    • On other repositories including PubMed Central after 12 months embargo
    • Publisher copyright and source must be acknowledged
    • Publisher's version/PDF cannot be used
    • Post-print version with changes from referees comments can be used
    • "as published" final version with layout and copy-editing changes cannot be archived but can be used on secure institutional intranet
  • Classification
    ​ green

Publications in this journal

  • [Show abstract] [Hide abstract]
    ABSTRACT: Kathinka Sinha-Kerkhoff, Colonising Plants in Bihar (1760-1950): Tobacco Betwixt Indigo and Sugarcane, Delhi: A Penguin Random House Publication, 2014, pp. 464.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 05/2015; 52(2):227-231. DOI:10.1177/0019464615573294
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    ABSTRACT: Gunell Cederlöf, Founding an Empire on India’s North-Eastern Frontiers 1790-1840: Climate, Commerce, Polity, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2014, pp. 272.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 05/2015; 52(2):238-240. DOI:10.1177/0019464615573293
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    ABSTRACT: Awadhendra Sharan, In the City, Out of Place: Nuisance, Pollution, and Dwelling in Delhi, c. 1850-2000, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2014, pp. 288.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 05/2015; 52(2):231-233. DOI:10.1177/0019464615573290
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    ABSTRACT: Michael S. Dodson, Orientalism, Empire and National Culture: India, 1770-1880, New Delhi: Foundation Books, 2010, pp. 211.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 05/2015; 52(2):225-227. DOI:10.1177/0019464615573291
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    ABSTRACT: Faisal Devji, The Impossible Indian: Gandhi and the Temptation of Violence, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012, pp. 191.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 05/2015; 52(2):233-236. DOI:10.1177/0019464615573292
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    ABSTRACT: This article focuses on the bazaars of Calcutta in the late eighteenth century to bring out the tussle between the Company and the landowners over issues of land and customary collection. The debate regarding the bazaar reveals the concerns of the Company about rent and tax. Who had the right to tax, the individual proprietor of the land or the state? What were the limits of landowners’ rights? These questions, I suggest, were linked to deeper debates over the meaning of terms and definition of categories. In this article, I explore how Company officials sought to understand the notion of the ‘bazaar’. My discussion will develop through a focus on a particular dispute between two landowners in Calcutta where the Company had to intervene. Together, the long discussions in the Council, the examination of the sites, testimonies by the witnesses and the arguments put forward by the proprietors themselves—created a maze of documents, from which the Company tried to glean out the ‘bazaar’.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 05/2015; 52(2):121-146. DOI:10.1177/0019464615573154
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    ABSTRACT: In the context of analysing the relation between the master and the disciple, Ramakrishna Pramahamsa and Swami Vivekananda, the article brings together different unconnected writings for a systematic and cumulative argumentation on this important relation. This is undertaken with reference to Ramakrishna’s strict adherence to equality amongst all religions and his disciple’s claim for the superiority of Hinduism in general and Advaita Vedanta in particular. Having set the background, it further embarks on explaining the possible reasons for deviations by the pupil from the master by brining into the centre-stage the whole sale claims of the entire nineteenth-century scholarship as derivative by Indologists like Hacker. The failure to recognise these important dimensions imbricated in this relation is traced firstly to the general failure in reading the nature and logic of modernity, particularly, the invariance between its attitude towards both its own pre-modern and those non-Western societies like India which it sought to colonise. Second, to treating modern Indian thinkers as authors in the modern sense of the term when they are not strictly so.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 05/2015; 52(2):185-205. DOI:10.1177/0019464615573160
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    ABSTRACT: Most research on the handloom industry is focused upon the export trade and production for export, and, by extension, upon the Coromandel Coast. This article, by contrast, explores the physical and human geography of weaving for the ‘domestic’ market in the ‘inland’ regions of south India. Using visual sources such as Company paintings, together with archival materials and statistical data, it reconstructs everyday modes of dress and clothing in the early nineteenth century in order to obtain a picture of the ‘kinds’ of cloth produced: this analysis shows that the largest proportion was white or predominantly white, and of coarse to middling quality. It goes on to map different systems of cloth production, and the pattern of weaver settlements, and shows that both were significantly different from those described for the Coromandel Coast. In the inland regions, coarse and durable kinds of cloth were woven almost everywhere by plebeian weavers scattered through the countryside; patterned and fine varieties were woven by specialist, full-time weavers who usually lived in large settlements. The article describes a diversity of markets and production systems, unpicks the meanings of part-time and full-time work, and their significance. The data and analysis serve to complicate the debate on the nature of the textile economy in early modern India.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 05/2015; 52(2):147-184. DOI:10.1177/0019464615573158
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    ABSTRACT: V. Rajesh, Manuscripts, Memory and History: Classical Tamil Literature in Colonial India, New Delhi: Foundation Books, Cambridge University Press, 2014, pp. 294.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 05/2015; 52(2):236-238. DOI:10.1177/0019464615573295
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    ABSTRACT: Set against the backdrop of the linguistic states movement in the Telugu-speaking regions that would eventually come to form the state of Andhra Pradesh in 1956, this article explores Ambedkar’s views on state formation as articulated during the worst periods of unrest. Apparently driven by language, the Andhra movement of the first half of the twentieth century was an exercise in the self-definition and empowerment of an increasingly self-conscious political community. Ambedkar viewed the demand for linguistically defined states as comparable to the Muslim League’s demand for a separate Pakistan in the manifest desire for cultural recognition and self-determination. His proposed resolution against the potential threat to national unity posed by recognising language as a factor in state formation was twofold. One, he emphasised the idea of ‘one state, one language’ originally proposed by the States Reorganisation Commission, arguing that multiple states sharing a common language would be less likely to see themselves as a ‘nation’, with the added advantage that the majority-to-minority ratio would remain reasonable. Two, the language of administration should be common irrespective of the linguistic identity of the state, and that this should be English until Hindi became universally acceptable. As he saw it, the thoughtful implementation of such a solution that compromised on certain notions of the ideal could paradoxically facilitate the unity of the post-colonial republic, by recognising anxieties of minority groups, whether religious, linguistic or of another kind, and protecting them.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 02/2015; 52(1):79-108. DOI:10.1177/0019464614561619
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    ABSTRACT: NITIN SINHA, Communication and Colonialism in Eastern India: Bihar, 1760s-1880s (London: Anthem Press, Anthem Modern South Asian History), 2012, pp. 272.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 02/2015; 52(1):114-115. DOI:10.1177/0019464614564724
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    ABSTRACT: RONIT RICCI, Islam Translated: Literature, Conversion, and the Arabic Cosmopolis of South and Southeast Asia (Delhi: Permanent Black), 2011, pp. 336.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 02/2015; 52(1):109-111. DOI:10.1177/0376983614564726
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    ABSTRACT: During the first half of the twentieth century numerous efforts were made in Madras to taper the consumption of liquor among the cities’ workers. Those who put their weight behind such schemes included municipal and presidency governments, employers, missionaries and labour unions. Though their motives may have been divergent, they agreed that plebian liquor consumption was unacceptably high. Their endeavours ranged from restricting access to alcohol by various means to making repeated attempts at founding recreational clubs for workers. These clubs were intended as spaces of leisure that provided counter-inducements to alcohol. This article traces the methods employed in this urban temperance agenda noting the changes they sought to effect in the culture of popular leisure. Based on an examination of these temperance schemes—worker’s clubs in particular—I suggest that the regular appearance of tea and coffee in these campaigns indicates that their use as agents of sobriety consciously dovetailed with the creation of mass markets for these hitherto niche products.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 02/2015; 52(1):29-51. DOI:10.1177/0019464614561616
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    ABSTRACT: This article examines the transformation of the diverse imperial landscape of the Gorkha Kingdom into the more uniform and integrated space of the Nepali nation. It argues that nationalised schooling, as it was introduced under Panchayat rule (1960-90), was central to the production of national space. However, it also highlights how this schooling concomitantly extended a language of ‘anthropological’ and ‘ecological’ difference with which to organise and negotiate this space. Below the textbook surface of unity-in-diversity, remnants of imperial caste and racial hierarchies remained. And, along with novel notions of national development, new hierarchies were introduced that separated developed centres from remote and backward peripheries. Through its engagement with Nepali history, the article thus contributes to our understanding of the continued interaction between the production of national space and historical developments in governmental differentiation. Approaching ‘spatial history’ as a combined emphasis on the history of spatial production and the spatial productivity of historical representation, it highlights the contingencies of national connections between time and space. In conclusion, the article suggests how the languages of difference built up across Panchayat and present-day schooling continue to shape contemporary re-imaginings of national space, in the midst of political uncertainties.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 02/2015; 52(1):53-78. DOI:10.1177/0019464614561620
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    ABSTRACT: The history of economic change in colonial and post-colonial Punjab is well-studied, at least for the period from c. 1880, when Punjab became a major producer of relatively low-value-added crops, such as cereals, raw cotton and sugar. This article argues that the colonial state’s intervention in the economy in the 1840s to 1870s—the decades of the British colonial conquest of Punjab and the early administration in the province—should not be seen as a prelude to later developments. Specifically, this article argues that state policy proceeded by trial and error, that the state worked through a seemingly private organisation—the Agri-Horticultural Society—to trial a scheme that sought to re-model Punjab as a producer of higher-value-added commodities for the global market such as silk following the precedent of colonial Bengal, and that the resultant failure of these experiments contributed to the changes in policy and the pattern of development from the final-quarter of the century. In studying the Agri-Horticultural Society’s silk experiments, furthermore, this article also sheds light on the history of the early colonial state and the history of sericulture in Punjab.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 02/2015; 52(1):1-27. DOI:10.1177/0019464614561614
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    ABSTRACT: ARUPJYOTI SAIKIA, A Century of Protests: Peasant Politics in Assam Since 1900 (New Delhi: Routledge), 2014, pp. 480.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 02/2015; 52(1):111-114. DOI:10.1177/0019464614564722
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    ABSTRACT: KAVITA PANJABI, ed. Poetics and Politics of Sufism and Bhakti in South Asia: Love, Loss and Liberation (Hyderabad: Orient BlackSwan), 2011, pp. 305.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 02/2015; 52(1):116-119. DOI:10.1177/0019464614564723
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    ABSTRACT: This article examines the interactions between two distinct currency systems that dominated the Deccan during the period c. 1350-1687that of the Bahmani sultanate and its successor states, and that of the Vijayanagara kingdom and its successors. Based on a GIS database of over 300 reported coin hoards containing material issued by either state, the study demonstrates that while the Bahmani currency was limited in circulation to Bahmani territory, the coinage of Vijayanagara in contrast enjoyed wide circulation throughout the entire Deccan region. This was evidently due to a high demand in rural areas for the small, conveniently-sized gold coins of Vijayanagara known as hon, since gold coins of similar weight, purity and fabric had customarily been used throughout the Deccan to pay agricultural taxes since the late tenth century. By the opening years of the sixteenth century, agricultural and commercial taxes within the Bahmani territory were being assessed and collected in Vijayanagara-issued hons. The Vijayanagara hon circulated in such great numbers in Bahmani territory that it became an integral part of the economy of the Bahmanis and their successors, prompting Firishta to note (in 1607 CE) that even up to the present day, that same infidel coinage is current among the Muslims'.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 10/2014; 51(4):457-480. DOI:10.1177/0019464614550762
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    ABSTRACT: This article uses the mixed marriage debate in 1920s and 1930s Rangoon as a lens to understand how the figure of the Indian immigrant was created in the official discourse and popular imagination in Burma.As the discussion on mixed marriages unfolded amongst lawmakers and in the Burmese public sphere in the early twentieth century, it perpetuated the stereotype of the avaricious Burmese woman and the Indian was portrayed as a single male temporary worker who was in Burma for employment and left the woman once he returned back home. The problem of abandoned women as a result of inter-racial marriages was, in reality, a larger problem of Indian immigration into Burma. In 1940, with the Indo-Burmese immigration agreement, marriage or cohabitation between Indian male immigrant and women belonging to the indigenous races of Burma was made a condition for cancellation of a permit or visa granted to a migrant Indian male.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 10/2014; 51(4):497-527. DOI:10.1177/0019464614550765
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    ABSTRACT: What is Paiśācī and how does it fit into a larger history of language and literature in pre-modern India? A re-examination of the sources suggests three points: first, that when people first started talking about Paiśācī in the mid-first millennium CE, it was not thought to be a language in the same sense that Sanskrit and Prakrit were languages; second, that Paiśācī was integrated into Indian classifications of language at a later stage (ninth–tenth centuries), through the related influences of theatrical knowledge (nāṭyaśāstra) and Prakrit grammar; third, that the Bṛhatkathā—which has always been imagined to be ground zero for Paiśācī—was ‘lost’ not just in the weak sense (of a text that is no longer available at a certain time and place) but in a stronger sense (of a text that is fundamentally incompatible with the principles of textuality operative at a certain time and place). I conclude that the term Paiśācī is a playful reinterpretation of bhūtabhāṣā, ‘the language of the past’, and that the language is a relic of a textual culture that itself became a ‘ghost’ with the advent of the Sanskrit cosmopolis around the second century CE.
    Indian Economic & Social History Review 10/2014; 51(4):405-456. DOI:10.1177/0019464614550761