42
24.15
0.57
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Publication History View all

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    ABSTRACT: Controversy persists in England, Wales and Northern Ireland concerning methods of controlling the transmission of bovine tuberculosis (bTB) between badgers and cattle. The National Trust, a major land-owning heritage organisation, in 2011, began a programme of vaccinating badgers against bTB on its Killerton Estate in Devon. Most of the estate is farmed by 18 tenant farmers, who thus have a strong interest in the Trust's approach, particularly as all have felt the effects of the disease. This article reports on a study of the attitudes to vaccination of badgers and to the alternative of a culling programme, using face-to-face interviews with 14 of the tenants. The results indicated first that the views of the respondents were more nuanced than the contemporary public debate about badger control would suggest. Secondly, the attitude of the interviewees to vaccination of badgers against bTB was generally one of resigned acceptance. Thirdly, most respondents would prefer a combination of an effective vaccination programme with an effective culling programme, the latter reducing population of density sufficiently (and preferably targeting the badgers most likely to be diseased) for vaccination to have a reasonable chance of success. While based on a small sample, these results will contribute to the vigorous debate concerning contrasting policy approaches to bTB control in England, Wales and Northern Ireland.
    The Veterinary record. 06/2013;
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    ABSTRACT: Despite an increasing interest in party-state relations, the functions political parties as organizations fulfill in the government apparatus are rarely theorized or empirically examined. Instead of focusing on citizen demands toward parties, this article focuses on the demands of government. It argues that party organizational linkages help integrate an increasingly complex government apparatus. To substantiate this claim, it analyzes the impact of party linkages on policy coordination within and across subnational governments in the United States, Canada, and Switzerland. The analysis shows that: (1) the extent to which processes within different policy fields are connected—policy integration—is shaped by the relative strength of party organizational linkages rather than being a mere reflection of institutional divisions and (2) depending on the party configurations predominantly governing at the subnational level, policy integration within subnational governments either facilitates intergovernmental policy coordination or accelerates cross-jurisdictional conflict between them.
    Governance 06/2011; 24(3):469 - 494.
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    ABSTRACT: Priming is often mentioned in studies of media effects in Britain, yet empirical tests of its extent and nature are lacking; most evidence of priming effects is from the United States. Moreover, research on British elections concludes that the media have little impact on the public’s perceptions of issues, including in the 2005 election. In this paper we argue that priming by the British media has been misconceived and thus not studied adequately. We demonstrate that the issue of the war in Iraq was primed by media coverage in 2005, both as a consequence of the volume of coverage of the issue and its tone. The influence of Iraq was not just long-term, via its impact on confidence in the Labour government or Tony Blair’s reputation, but was also affected by media coverage during the campaign. We also demonstrate that the media’s coverage of Iraq in 2005 influenced voters’ evaluations of Blair by polarizing consumers of the same news. Finally, we find slightly more of an impact of the tone of coverage of Iraq in 2005 but it is moderated by the editorial stance of the newspaper—the editorial stance of British newspapers still seems to matter, suggesting that the dealignment of the British press has not eliminated the influence of reading a newspaper that endorses a party, no matter how qualified that endorsement may be.Highlights► We examine media priming in Britain. ► We show that the issue of the war in Iraq was primed by media coverage in 2005. ► Priming was from the volume of coverage and its tone. ► Media coverage polarized consumers of the same news. ► The impact of coverage was moderated by the editorial stance of the newspaper.
    Electoral Studies 01/2011; 30(3):546-560.
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    ABSTRACT: Throughout the centuries Beirut has had an endless capacity for reinvention and transformation, a consequence of migration, conquest, trade, and internal conflict. The last three decades have witnessed the city center's violent self-destruction, its commercial resurrection, and most recently its national contestation, as oppositional political forces have sought to mobilize mass demonstrations and occupy strategic space. While research has been directed to the transformative processes and the principal actors involved, little attention has been given to how the next generation of Lebanese are negotiating Beirut's rehabilitation. This article seeks to address this lacuna, by exploring how postwar youth remember, imagine, and spatially encounter their city. How does Beirut's rebuilt urban landscape, with its remnants of war, sites of displacement, and transformed environs, affect and inform identity, social interaction, and perceptions of the past? Drawing on Henri Lefebvre's analysis of the social construction of space (perceived, conceived, and lived) and probing the inherent tensions within postwar youths’ encounters with history, memory, and heritage, the article presents a dynamic and complex urban imaginary of Beirut. An examination of key urban sites (Solidère's Down Town) and significant temporal moments (Independence Intifada) reveals three recurring tensions evident in Lebanese youth's engagement with their city: dislocation and liberation, spectacle and participant, pluralism and fracture. This article seeks to encourage wider discussion on the nature of postwar recovery and the construction of rehabilitated public space, amidst the backdrop of global consumerism and heritage campaigns.Rehaciendo a Beirut: Desafiando la memoria, el espacio y el imaginario urbano de la juventud libanesa (Craig Larkin)ResumenA través de los siglos, la ciudad de Beirut ha mostrado una capacidad ilimitada para reinventarse y transformarse a sí misma como consecuencia de la migración, las conquistas, el comercio y los conflictos internos. En las últimas tres décadas, el centro de la ciudad ha pasado por momentos de violenta auto-destrucción, de renovación comercial y, más recientemente, de apropiación como espacio de disputas nacionales a medida que las fuerzas opositoras llevan a cabo protestas multitudinarias y luchan por ganar espacio estratégicamente importante. Aunque en investigaciones anteriores se han estudiado estos procesos de transformación y los principales actores involucrados, se ha prestado poca atención a la forma en que la nueva generación de libaneses se relaciona con la reconstrucción de Beirut. Este artículo se propone llenar este vacío a partir de la exploración de cómo la juventud de la posguerra recuerda, imagina y se encuentra con su ciudad en términos espaciales.¿ De qué forma el panorama de reconstrucción urbana de Beirut con sus vestigios de guerra, sus reasentamientos y la transformación de sus entornos afecta y nutre la identidad e interacciones sociales y las percepciones sobre el pasado? A partir del análisis de Henri Lefebvre sobre la construcción social del espacio (percibido, concebido y vivido) y la exploración de las tensiones inherentes en el encuentro entre la juventud de la posguerra y el pasado como historia, memoria y legado, este artículo presenta un imaginario urbano dinámico y complejo de Beirut. El análisis de lugares urbanos clave (Solidère's Down Town) y momentos significativos en el tiempo (la Intifada de Independencia) revela tres tensiones recurrentes evidentes en la forma en que la juventud libanesa interactúa con la ciudad: dislocación y liberación, espectáculo y participación, pluralismo y fragmentación. Este artículo busca motivar un debate más amplio sobre el carácter de la recuperación después de la guerra y la construcción de espacios urbanos rehabilitados en el contexto del consumismo global y las campañas de revalorización del patrimonio.
    City &amp Community 11/2010; 9(4):414 - 442.
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    ABSTRACT: In this article, I discuss how Locke's account of virtuous moral obligation fits with his theory of individual rights, with specific attention to his account of ownership. I suggest that the best way to make sense of the relationship between the competing concepts of rights and virtue in Locke's thought is through the idea of imperfect duties: moral duties that do not necessarily have a legal equivalent. These duties indicate how a teleological account of morality can exist within the framework of a commitment to individual rights while also raising questions about how a Lockean government should act in regard to them. I identify the imperfect duties involved in the ownership of property and tentatively explore Locke's scattered recommendations for ‘the art of governing’ individuals.
    British Journal of Politics & International Relations 01/2010; 12(1):126 - 141.
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    ABSTRACT: Coalition governments are the norm in parliamentary democracies. Yet, despite the predominance of this type of government, political scientists have only recently started to investigate how voters approach elections when a coalition government is the likely outcome. Such elections present additional uncertainty and complexity for voters compared with elections in plurality systems, where party choice translates more directly into a choice of government. These factors have lead to the assumption that strategic voting is unlikely to occur in systems that produce coalition governments. In this introductory article to the special issue on Voters and Coalition Governments, we consider whether voters have the capacity to anticipate specific coalition outcomes and propose a framework for understanding the conditions that lead to strategic voting in both plurality and proportional systems.
    Electoral Studies. 01/2010;
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    ABSTRACT: This paper draws on lessons from a UK case study in the management of diffuse microbial pollution from grassland farm systems in the Taw catchment, southwest England. We report on the development and preliminary testing of a field-scale faecal indicator organism risk indexing tool (FIORIT). This tool aims to prioritise those fields most vulnerable in terms of their risk of contributing FIOs to water. FIORIT risk indices were related to recorded microbial water quality parameters (faecal coliforms [FC] and intestinal enterococci [IE]) to provide a concurrent on-farm evaluation of the tool. There was a significant upward trend in Log[FC] and Log[IE] values with FIORIT risk score classification (r2 = 0.87 and 0.70, respectively and P < 0.01 for both FIOs). The FIORIT was then applied to 162 representative grassland fields through different seasons for ten farms in the case study catchment to determine the distribution of on-farm spatial and temporal risk. The high risk fields made up only a small proportion (1%, 2%, 2% and 3% for winter, spring, summer and autumn, respectively) of the total number of fields assessed (and less than 10% of the total area), but the likelihood of the hydrological connection of high FIO source areas to receiving watercourses makes them a priority for mitigation efforts. The FIORIT provides a preliminary and evolving mechanism through which we can combine risk assessment with risk communication to end-users and provides a framework for prioritising future empirical research. Continued testing of FIORIT across different geographical areas under both low and high flow conditions is now needed to initiate its long-term development into a robust indexing tool.
    Environmental Modelling & Software. 01/2010;
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    ABSTRACT: This paper considers farmer intentions following the implementation of the 2003 CAP reforms, identifies the extent to which these plans have been influenced by the introduction of the Single Payment Scheme (SPS) in 2005 and considers the implications in terms of likely structural change (i.e. changes in the deployment of land, labour and capital). The analysis uses data from a large sample survey of farmers in South West England and the results indicate that CAP reform is not stimulating rapid agricultural restructuring, rather it appears to be reinforcing many existing trends towards diversification and an increasing polarisation between the largest and smallest farms. CAP reform is impacting unevenly on the farm community and different farming situations are associated with different types of reaction. Market signals may become a more powerful driver of farmer behaviour, in which case the 2003 reforms will have proved successful in providing farmers the freedom to farm without coupled subsidies. On the basis of the results presented in this paper though, only a minority of farmers seem both well placed and well disposed to exploit such opportunities.
    Food Policy. 01/2010; 35(4):341-348.
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    ABSTRACT: In their attempt to promote “better regulation,” governments have ended up with increasing regulation of rule-making. Regulatory impact assessment (RIA) is a manifestation of this trend. This article draws on the positive political economy hypothesis that RIA is an administrative control device. Rational politicians—positive political economy argues—design administrative requirements to solve problems of political uncertainty. This is a rather abstract hypothesis but with clearly observable implications. Empirical analysis on Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, Sweden, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the EU shows that the modes and level of control vary, with almost no evidence supporting the positive political economy hypothesis in Denmark and Sweden and more robust evidence in the other cases, especially the United States and the United Kingdom. The EU scores high, but control has both a political component and an infra-organizational dimension. In between the extremes I find modest levels of political control in Canada and the Netherlands.
    Governance 12/2009; 23(1):89 - 108.
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    ABSTRACT: This article assesses the internal dynamics of the cartel party model. It argues that a party's endeavour to increase its societal reach by opening membership boundaries while keeping candidate selection local (two tendencies ascribed to this model), and the general need to maintain party unity, are difficult to reconcile. Therefore a fully fledged cartel party is organisationally vulnerable, which reinforces its resort to selective benefits (i.e. political appointments, patronage) whenever in government to satisfy organisational demands, a trigger intensifying party–state relations which is usually overlooked. Further, the dominant view of the ascendancy of parties' ‘public face’ needs to be qualified: the Irish Fianna Fáil, with its permeable boundaries and local candidate selection, reflects the cartel party model without a cartel at the party system level. Majoritarian dynamics have forced Fianna Fáil repeatedly into opposition which reveals the following: Fianna Fáil as a cartel party can afford to neglect its infrastructure on the ground as long as it is controlling government resources. In opposition its leadership initiates reforms to reinvigorate the party's infrastructure since it is pressed to generate organisational support through other means than distributing benefits.
    Political Studies 09/2009; 57(3):559 - 579.
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