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  • The American Historical Review 04/2010; 115(2):428-52. DOI:10.1086/ahr.115.2.428
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    ABSTRACT: An interest in global histories of science is not new. Yet the project envisioned by this Focus section is different from that pursued by natural historians and natural philosophers in the early modern age. Instead of tracing universal patterns, there is value in attending to the connections and disconnections of science on the global stage. Instead of assuming the precision of science's boundaries, historians might consider the categories of "science" and "indigenous knowledge" to have emerged from globalization. New global histories of science will be characterized by critical reflection on the limits of generalization, as well as a creative adoption of new sources, methods, and chronologies, in an attempt to decenter the European history of science. Such a project holds the promise of opening up new conversations between historians, anthropologists, philosophers, and sociologists of science. It is of critical importance if the discipline is not to fragment into regional and national subfields or become dominated by structural frameworks such as imperialism.
    Isis 03/2010; 101(1):95-7. DOI:10.1086/652690
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    ABSTRACT: This essay explores the mechanics of researching and writing globally oriented histories of science. Thinking about how to approach sources is vital, especially given how often historians of science use the excuse of a lack of sources for constraining their projects to European topics. The first section suggests a method of cross-contextualization, where scarce and unorthodox sources are read within and alongside more plentiful and traditional ones. The next section considers historiography, critiquing the continuing hold of the terms "colonial" and "national" in current work that aspires to be more global. The final section considers practice and network theory, asking whether the way we utilize these tools in fact returns us, instinctively, to European and Eurocentric ways of conceiving how science works.
    Isis 03/2010; 101(1):146-58. DOI:10.1086/652694
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    ABSTRACT: This thesis probes the Wilson and Heath’s governments’ policies towards the establishment, consolidation and actions of the military dictatorship that ruled Greece from 1967 to 1974. It concentrates on the diplomatic, economic, cultural, and defence relations between the two traditional allies. It also endeavours to explain the factors behind the ‘diplomatic’ handling of the Greek situation by Britain, and the two countries’ relations with the superpowers and regional powers of the time, within the Cold War framework. The main hypothesis is that British governments were in a very weak position both financially and internationally and were, therefore, forced to follow pragmatic policies that were meant to prove Britain’s subordination to NATO and American interests. More specifically, the thesis, through the investigation of recently released documents in both countries, embarks on a critical analysis of the question of Whitehall’s previous knowledge and/or possible involvement in the coup of 21 April 1967 that brought the Colonels into power, and Britain’s response to the seminal events that took place during the seven years’ reign of the Greek junta; including important domestic developments in Greece (such as the progress of the restoration of democracy). The impact of significant domestic events in Britain, like the financial situation and the 1970 and 1974 national elections, and international ones, such as the Cyprus and the Arab-Israeli conflicts, the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia and the processes of détente and further European integration on Anglo-Greek relations is also examined. Furthermore, the thesis discusses the question of the British governments’ policy towards the junta on the extremely significant issue of Greece’s participation in NATO and its influence on Anglo-American relations. Finally, this research serves also as a case study of how security and financial concerns overshadow human rights issues and inform foreign policy decisions.
    Department of International History, The London School of Economics and Political Science, 01/2010, Degree: PhD, Supervisor: Dr Alan Sked
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    ABSTRACT: During his tenure as premier from independence in 1957 until he was ousted by a military and police coup in 1966, Kwame Nkrumah was the living personification of the Ghanaian nation-state. As the self-proclaimed Civitatis Ghaniensis Conditor– Founder of the State of Ghana – his image was minted on the new national money and printed on postage stamps. He erected a monument of himself in Accra, changed the national anthem to make references to himself, customised the national flag to match the colors of his CPP party, made his birthday a national day of celebration (National Founder's Day), named streets and universities after himself, and amended the constitution whereby he became Life President. Since the coup, many of the symbols of nationhood that Nkrumah constructed have been debated, demolished, reconsidered and reengineered by successive governments to rewrite the Ghanaian historical narrative. This article analyses the contentions of one of Nkrumah's first expressions of symbolic nationalism – that of the national coinage.
    Nations and Nationalism 07/2008; 14(3):520 - 541. DOI:10.1111/j.1469-8129.2008.00345.x
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    ABSTRACT: The paper begins by establishing the position of psychiatry after the First World War, concentrating upon the interplay between economy measures and limited reform during the Weimar Republic. Each therapeutic advance involved the definition of irremediable subgroups within the already socially marginalized psychiatric constituency. Nazi policy towards psychiatric patients during the 1930s involved further economy measures, and the introduction of negative eugenic strategies, were similar in kind if not degree, to those pursued in some other countries at that time. The decision to kill the mentally ill and physically disabled was taken by Hitler in order to clear the decks for war, and was justified with the aid of crude utilitarian arguments, as well as what limited evidence there was regarding popular attitudes on these issues. Many health professionals and psychiatrists accommodated themselves to policies which a few years later became one of the components of the 'Final Solution of the Jewish Question', i.e. Hitler's vengeance against the Jewish people in circumstances of war he had envisaged much earlier.
    Social History of Medicine 09/1994; 7(2):213-28. DOI:10.1093/shm/7.2.213
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