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    ABSTRACT: The campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan have had profound effects on both the British and US militaries. Among the most important is the way in which they have challenged traditional assumptions about the character of unconventional conflict and the role of the military within comprehensive strategies for encouraging sustainable peace. In the UK, the most important doctrinal response has been JDP 3–40 Security and Stabilisation: the military contribution. Security and Stabilisation is an ambitious attempt to synthesize elements of counterinsurgency, counterterrorism, peace support and state-building within a single doctrine that reflects the lessons learned from recent British operational experience. This article examines the purpose, impact and potential value of this important innovation in British doctrine. To do so, the article explores the genesis of Stabilization; analyses its impact upon extant British doctrine for counterinsurgency and peace support; discusses its relationship with the most important related US doctrines, FM 3–24: the counterinsurgency field manual and FM 3–07: the stability operations field manual; and debates the function of doctrine more broadly. It concludes by summarizing the primary challenges Security and Stabilisation must overcome if it is to make a serious contribution to the theory and practice of such complex interventions.
    International Affairs 02/2011; 87(2):317 - 333. DOI:10.1111/j.1468-2346.2011.00975.x

  • The Political Quarterly 08/2010; 81(3):376 - 384. DOI:10.1111/j.1467-923X.2010.02107.x
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    ABSTRACT: Tony Blair's New Labour government came to power in 1997, promising a new attitude towards Europe, distinct from the ‘Euroscepticism’ associated with its predecessors, the Conservative party. Analysts were keen to highlight this as a significant shift in British politics, pointing in particular to Blair's instrumental role in the development of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) as evidence of the change. This article examines Labour attitudes towards both the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the ESDP in comparison with those of its Conservative predecessors to argue that Blair's actions represented more a policy of adaptation than a momentous change in UK policy.
    British Journal of Politics & International Relations 04/2010; 12(2):257 - 273. DOI:10.1111/j.1467-856X.2010.00408.x
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    ABSTRACT: This article examines the confluence of two major recent developments with regard to British Muslim communities. For many British Muslim women Islam has become the cornerstone of their identity. However, alongside this development has been the emergence of a new national security agenda based on counter-terrorism with a particular focus on Islamic fundamentalism. The discourse of state agencies locates Islam and Muslim communities not simply as ‘problem communities’ but as security concerns. The impact of this securitisation on Muslim women's political agency and identity has yet fully to be assessed. The issues surrounding this relatively recent securitisation are explored via the current debates on mosque reform, women's access to mosques and the current discourse which perceives mosques as ‘insecure’ (terrorist) sites in the UK.
    British Journal of Politics & International Relations 07/2008; 10(3):472 - 491. DOI:10.1111/j.1467-856X.2008.00324.x
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    ABSTRACT: As defence becomes a political football once again this article examines the relationship of the UK's military with the country from which it is drawn and which it serves. It argues that all three elements of the classic Clausewitzian trinity: the state, the people and the military, there are major problems. These are undermining the capabilities of the armed forces and will ultimately place far greater limitations on future government's use of the armed forces in support of British policies overseas. This will have significant implications for Britain in the future if it wishes to continue to “punch above its weight”.
    The Political Quarterly 06/2007; 78(2):320 - 327. DOI:10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.00859.x
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    ABSTRACT: This article uses the case study of the reorganisation of the infantry announced in December 2004 to argue that the government undertook reforms that were in the army's interest rather than its own and that the existing schools of thinking within defence fail to explain this behaviour. The article goes on to make three conclusions. Firstly, our traditional assumptions about structure-agency within defence are incorrect and that agency has a far greater role to play. Secondly, that the battle of the Scottish Regiments raises questions about the balance between local, regional and ethnic identity. Thirdly, that the army reorganisation highlights the weakness of the current defence debate in the United Kingdom with much of the existing literature left over from the Cold War period.
    British Journal of Politics & International Relations 10/2006; 8(4):489 - 502. DOI:10.1111/j.1467-856X.2006.00231.x
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